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Menendez and Royce Lead Capitol Hill Armenian Genocide Commemoration

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Congressional Remembrance Features Powerful Call for Recognition by Noted Turkish Dissident Ragip Zarakolu

WASHINGTON, DC—The leaders of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the House Foreign Affairs Committee—the two Congressional panels that conduct oversight of U.S. foreign policy—joined with more than two dozen of their legislative colleagues on April 9 at a Capitol Hill remembrance of the Armenian Genocide, reported the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA).  The annual observance featured, for the first time ever, a speech by a Turkish human rights leader calling for American recognition of the Armenian Genocide and an end to Turkey’s denial of truth and justice for this crime against humanity.

A scene from the event (photo by Arsineh Valladian)

A scene from the event (photo by Arsineh Valladian)

The Armenian Genocide remembrance, organized by the Congressional Caucus on Armenian issues, in coordination with the Embassy of the Republic of Armenia, the Office of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic and Armenian American organizations, was held before a standing-room-only crowd in the historic Gold Room of the Rayburn House Office Building.  Dr. Ara Chalian, a regional and national ANCA leader, from Philadelphia, moderated the event, which, in addition to Chairman Robert Menendez and Chairman Ed Royce, included remarks and participation by Rhode Island Senators Jack Reed and Sheldon Whitehouse and Massachusetts Senator Ed Markey, Congressional Armenian Caucus Co-Chair Frank

Chairman Robert Menendez (Photo by Arsineh Valladian)

Chairman Robert Menendez (Photo by Arsineh Valladian)

Pallone (D-NJ), as well as, Representatives Gus Bilirakis (R-FL), Judy Chu (D-CA), David Cicilline (D-RI), Katherine Clark (D-MA), John Conyers (D-MI), Jim Costa (D-CA), Danny Davis (D-IL), Janice Hahn (D-CA), Jim Langevin (D-RI), Carolyn Maloney (D-NY), Jim McGovern (D-MA), Linda Sanchez (D-CA), Adam Schiff (D-CA), Brad Sherman (D-CA), Jackie Speier (D-CA), John Tierney (D-MA), and Dina Titus (D-NV). Remarks were also offered by Armenian Ambassador to the U.S. Tatoul Markarian and Representative of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic Robert Avetisyan.  Bishop Anoushavan Tanielian, vicar general of the Eastern Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic Church of America and Archbishop Vicken Aykazian, Legate of the Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church, offered the spiritual messages of the evening.

“We are deeply gratified that Ragip Zarakolu’s courageous message was heard this evening in the halls of the U.S. Congress,” said ANCA Executive Director Aram Hamparian.  ”The powerful words of a respected Turkish dissident—along with those of Chairman Menendez, Chairman Royce, and nearly two dozen other federal legislators—sent a strong signal to Ankara and its allies here in Washington about our community’s principled stand and enduring commitment to truth and justice.”

Dr. Chalian, in introducing Mr. Zarakolu, said: “It is his courageous message of truth and justice—not the official genocide denials of Turkish government—that should be encouraged and empowered by President Obama. Sadly, even as Mr. Zarakolu, a Turkish citizen, traveled across an ocean to speak to us today, representatives of our own White House and State Department are prohibited from even setting foot in this room to hear his message of truth and justice.  One more tragic example of our White House accepting Ankara’s gag-rule on the Armenian Genocide. So, while we do regret the lack of courage on this issue coming from our own White House, we can celebrate the surplus of courage that Mr. Zarakolu has brought with us from Turkey and that he will share with us today.”

Noted Turkish dissident Ragip Zarakolu

Noted Turkish dissident Ragip Zarakolu (photo by Arsineh Valladian)

In his keynote address, Mr. Zarakolu stressed: “They [the Turkish Government] are busy making public opinion by absurdization—making a human tragedy absurd. Is it a genocide or isn’t it a genocide? Unfortunately, the American government became a part of that ‘play.’ I am so sorry.  These policies give courage for authoritarianism all around the world.  Sure, the United States is a good friend of Turkey, but if it is a real friend of Turkey, they must act differently.  They must support democratization in Turkey, and the real democratization in Turkey can begin by facing the history, our history, the reality of 1915.”

Chairman Menendez announced, during his remarks, that the panel he chairs will hold an April 10th vote on the Armenian Genocide Resolution, S.Res.410. He went on to underscore that: “To me, to all men and women of good will, I would think there is a simple statement—genocide is genocide, and you cannot call it anything else but that and you need to have a recognition of that. Next year when we mark a century—a hundred years ago that the Armenians were killed by Ottoman Turkey, it seems to me that with most of the survivors gone, but with a few left—it is incredibly important for us to lead globally at this time.”

In his speech, Chairman Royce, noted that he served in the California legislature when the first Armenian Genocide was adopted, and announced that this year, “On the 24th of April, I will be in Yerevan with a bi-partisan delegation to recognize the Armenian Genocide.”  Chairman Royce continued to explain that “In terms of the consequences in human affairs, a genocide like this, so vast and so deep, was then to be followed by the attempt to extinguish not only a population but their memory in terms of their church property, in terms of their artifacts.”  To that end, Chairman Royce cited the need for Congressional passage of the recently introduced Return of Churches Resolution (H.Res.4241), which would mandate the State Department to put together a list of confiscated religious properties and demand the return of those properties by the current Turkish Government.

Chairman Ed Royce (Photo by Arsineh Valladian)

Chairman Ed Royce (Photo by Arsineh Valladian)

Following the Capitol Hill Armenian Genocide Observance, Congressional Armenian Caucus Co-Chair Frank Pallone (D-NJ) noted, “Tonight, we commemorate the 99th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, and remember the lives of the one and a half million Armenians who were needlessly slaughtered by Ottoman Turks between 1915 and 1923.  This anniversary, nearly a century later, gives us an opportunity to acknowledge the atrocities committed against the Armenian people for exactly what it was—genocide.  As we join together to renew our commitment to prevent and end injustices where they exist, Turkey must also come to terms with its own history and prevent a shroud of denial from covering up one of the most horrific tragedies in world history.”  Fellow Co-Chair Michael Grimm (R-NY) concurred, noting, “The only way to truly honor the countless victims of the Armenian Genocide and build a world that rejects hatred is to remember and commemorate the sacrifices of these innocents. Our remembrance ensures that we never permit or tolerate such atrocities ever again.  I hope that my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will join me in commemorating those lost in the Armenian Genocide, and thank their descendants and successors for honoring the sacrifice of their forebears through the many labors and ambitions that helped make this great nation what it is today.”

Complete coverage of Congressional statements and guest speakers will be provided in upcoming days.


Senate Foreign Relations Committee Adopts Armenian Genocide Resolution

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Chairman Menendez spearheads successful campaign for truth over strong opposition from White House; Turkish Government

WASHINGTON, DC—For the first time in nearly a quarter century, a U.S. Senate committee today adopted an Armenian Genocide Resolution, calling upon the Senate to commemorate this crime and encouraging the President to ensure that America’s foreign policy reflects and reinforces the lessons, documented in the U.S. record, of the still-unpunished genocide, reported the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA).

“Today’s vote affirms America’s commitment to truth, deals a serious setback to Turkey’s campaign of genocide denial, and sends a clear message to President Obama that he must end his Administration’s complicity in Ankara’s cover-up of this crime,” said Aram Hamparian, Executive Director of the ANCA.  ”We thank Chairman Menendez for his powerful leadership and express our thanks to each of the Senators who cast their votes for this human rights measure.”

With a vote of 12 to 5, the Committee voted to condemn and commemorate the Armenian Genocide.

Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Robert Menendez (D-NJ) spearheaded the effort to have this influential foreign policy panel speak

Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Robert Menendez (D-NJ

Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Robert Menendez (D-NJ)

clearly regarding the Ottoman Turkish Government’s centrally planned and systematically carried out campaign of genocide from 1915-1923, which resulted in the deaths of over 1.5 million men, women and children.

Senator Menendez announced the vote at the Armenian Genocide Observance on Capitol Hill yesterday evening, where he told his colleagues and attendees, “To me, to all men and women of good will, I would think there is a simple statement—genocide is genocide, and you cannot call it anything else but that and you need to have a recognition of that. Next year when we mark a century—a hundred years ago that the Armenians were killed by Ottoman Turkey, it seems to me that with most of the survivors gone—but with a few left—it is incredibly important for us to lead globally at this time.”

For more information regarding the historic vote, visit the ANCA Facebook page at http://www.anca.org/Facebook or the ANCA website at www.anca.org

Commemoration at Museum to Feature Dorjee, Kasongo, and Mouradian

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WATERTOWN, Mass.—On Sunday April 27, the Armenian Museum of America will present a joint commemoration of the Armenian Genocide, the Tibetan Genocide, and the Genocide in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

“Anguish” by Krikor Khandjian (1926-2000)

“Anguish” by Krikor Khandjian (1926-2000)

As it has been our custom in recent years, each April, we commemorate with other victim groups. Armenian-Americans understandably focus each April on commemorating the Armenian Genocide. The Armenian Genocide provided a blueprint for all too many Genocides in the 20th century. Sadly, Genocides continue; only the victims change, and we must share and remember their pain as well.

This year’s joint commemoration will feature talks by Tenzin Dorjee, former executive director of Students for a Free Tibet, Anthony Kasongo, executive director of Congolese Genocide Awareness, Inc., and Khatchig Mouradian, editor of the Armenian Weekly. Photographic exhibitions on Tibet and Congo, and our Museum’s Traveling Armenian Genocide Exhibit will be on display in the 3rd floor galleries. The Museum’s permanent Armenian Genocide exhibition is on display on the 2nd floor.

Date and time: Sunday, April 27th at 2:00PM

Location: The Armenian Museum of America, 65 Main St, Watertown, MA 02472 (3rd Floor Gallery)

Admission: Free and open to the public

Reception following program

Armenians Seek Justice Once Again

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Boston, Mass.—The Armenian nation is far too familiar with the struggle of maintaining our identity and the challenge to persevere through the many inhumane cards life has dealt us.  Due to the safe haven Armenians found in the Syrian community following the events of the Armenian Genocide, the small northwestern town of Kessab was once densely populated by Armenians.  However, we have yet again been confronted with defending our homes as the population was forced to evacuate.  Forced to flee to nearby Latakia and Bassit, over 700 Christian families of Kessab have been displaced.

A scene from the protest in Boston (photo by Ken Martin)

A scene from the protest in Boston (photo by Ken Martin)

On Friday, April 4th the Armenian community of the Greater Boston area gathered at the entrance of the Tip O’Neill Federal Building in downtown

A scene from the protest in Boston (photo by Ken Martin)

A scene from the protest in Boston (photo by Ken Martin)

Boston to bring awareness to the current events taking place in Kessab and to condemn Turkey’s role in the destruction.  Organized by the Armenian Youth Federation (AYF) Boston “Nejdeh” Chapter and the Armenian National Committee of Eastern Massachusetts, over 100 human rights activists gathered to protest the State Department’s failure to condemn the perpetrators of the invasion and occupation. The Massachusetts offices of the Department of State are located in the O’Neill building, making it the ideal spot to stress the hypocrisy evidenced by the Department’s silence regarding the role of its NATO-ally Turkey. According to eyewitness accounts, the Al-Qaeda affiliated extremists openly passed through a Turkish military base to cross the Syrian border and attack the town and villages of Kessab.

The group marched holding signs stating the facts and chanted various slogans, “Obama, Open up your eyes!

Don’t support terror!  Turkey run, Turkey hide, Turkey’s on Al Qaeda’s side.  State Department, can’t you see, Al Qaeda’s ally is Turkey,” as officials and passers-by read through pamphlets, asked questions, and made phone calls spreading the word. The Armenian Youth Federation of the Greater Boston “Nejdeh” Chapter and the Armenian National Committee of Eastern Massachusetts seek justice once again and stand in solidarity with our fellow diasporans who have recently been forced out of their homes in Kessab.

A scene from the protest in Boston (photo by Ken Martin)

A scene from the protest in Boston (photo by Ken Martin)

The post Armenians Seek Justice Once Again appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Women Deacons in the Armenian Apostolic Church Revisited

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For more on the subject of Armenian women deacons and monastics in the Armenian Apostolic Church, see Shepherds of the Nation and A Nearly Forgotten History: Women Deacons in the Armenian Apostolic Church in the April 21, 2012 and July 6, 2013 issues of The Armenian Weekly.

The legacy of sublime love and humble service to God and the Armenian Nation left by the women monastics of the ArmenianApostolicChurch throughout the centuries is a priceless treasure and a source of awe and inspiration.  Even during times of enormous adversity of which there were far too many in the history of this Christian nation, these unassuming and visionary women undauntedly persevered in their ordained work. With the passing of time, however, as well as changing times, these women—nuns, acolytes, sub-deacons, deacons, archdeacons, scribes, illuminators, paper and parchment makers, binders—and their work have been nearly forgotten.  Fortunately, their legacy survives, albeit in fragile old books written in an ancient language that some cannot read and in a small but growing number of women today who have also selected to serve their Church and Nation, as is evident in some of the examples that follow.

St. Stepanos nun-deaconesses

St. Stepanos nun-deaconesses

The Kalfayan Sisterhood, founded in 1866 in Constantinople, Turkey, by Sister Srpouhi Nshan Kalfayan as the “Kalfayan National Orphanage of Three Years Dedicated to the Holy Virgins,” had a number of sisters throughout its history.  The orphanage was celebrated for its excellent education. “All its members were deaconesses and the abbess, protodeaconess.”  Sister Kalfayan was born in 1823 and “became a nun at the age of eighteen. . .  She opened a trade-school for poor boys and girls in the Khaskeuy section of Constantinople. . .”  After her visit to Europe in 1858, she founded the above mentioned orphanage.  The honored archdeaconess died on June 4, 1889, and was buried in the yard of the orphanageSister Christine Papazian became Mother Superior of the orphanage after the death of Srpouhi Mayrabed (Mother Superior).  “She had earlier worked as a nurse in the National Hospital during her early days as a nun. . .”  Although the order no longer exists, at present Sister Kayane Dulkadiryan (born 1966), a sub-deacon, continues in the footsteps of these women. “She is active in the church, and she can read the Bible in the church,” wrote Archbishop Aram Atesyan, Deputy General of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in Istanbul, Turkey, in a recent email communication I had with him. “The Kalfayan Orphanage,” the Archbishop explained, “still exists with approximately 70 girls between the ages of ten and seventeen, and it is run by a Board of Directors, which is elected by the community.”

Two St. Catherine's nun-deaconesses pictured with a "wooden bell" (Photo from R. C. Colliver, Persian Women and Their Ways)

Two St. Catherine’s nun-deaconesses pictured with a “wooden bell” (Photo from R. C. Colliver’s book: Persian Women and Their Ways)

The religious order of the Kalfayan Sisterhood and other such orders left an indelible impact on the ArmenianApostolicChurch and the people they served, especially the orphans entrusted to their care.  The following poem titled Mayrabednern Ukhdavor (Pilgrim Nuns) by Melkon Asadour from the village of Khas in Turkey (translated by Knarik O. Meneshian), serves as a poignant illustration. Published on May 19, 1933, in Sion, a periodical of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem since 1866, the poem is dedicated to Mother Aghavni and Sister Mariam of the Kalfayan Orphanage who had gone on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem in 1933.

                                                  Pilgrim Nuns

Since childhood, you have promised your lives to the Church,
And to serve our Lord’s Altar.
With an ornate staff in hand,
A dedicated blessed veil on the head,
The silvery rays of a bright comet above,
Early, you two Sisters departed for your journey.
“Let the Lord guide your steps!”
After traveling from road to road, Sisters,
You reached the Promised Land.

There you presented your sacrifice, offerings for a Mass—
Your gifts, your prayers, and your incense
Mixed with the anguished tears of orphans.
With heads bowed and kneeling side by side,
You blessed the tombstones.

As sobs mixed with your invocations and entreaties,
And the yearnings of your bright-eyed orphans—
High above Golgotha,
Jesus heard.
And in Bethlehem’s Blessed Holy Manger,
The healing of the sufferers’ pain and anguish,
The repentance of the sinner—oh, always,
Mixed with soft vapors—the breath
Of the cow, the sheep, and the lamb.

Since childhood, you have promised your lives to the Church,
And to serve our Lord’s Altar.
With an ornate staff in hand,
You walked the same path as Jesus did,
And handed to you
Were the uneducated flocks of orphans
To nourish with bread and wine….

In turn, the kind traveler, the Samaritan,
Will ponder your reward
Announcing sweetly,
“Live long, live long, Sisters!
You have done enough for us orphans, for me!

The nun-deaconesses helping Father  Chiftjian during baptism in Lebanon (Photo provided by Father Chiftjian)

The nun-deaconesses helping Father Chiftjian during baptism in Lebanon (Photo provided by Father Chiftjian)

***

The following article, Hay Grchuhiner (Armenian Women Scribes), written by Bishop Nerses Tsovagan and published in the April-May 1954 issue of Sion on the topic of Armenian women scribes reveals the legacy they left for their beloved Church and Nation. The mentioned works copied or illuminated, at times both, are the Bible, Text of the Creed, Book on the Interpretation of Dates, Book on the Interpretation of a Prayer Book, Book on the Interpretation of Solomon’s Proverbs, Book on the Interpretation of Luke, Book on Spiritual Advice; canonicals, memoirs; history, hymn, prayer, and sermon books.

Mother Superior/Archdeanconess Hripsime Tahiriants (Photo from Father K. Khutsyan, Tiflsi Surp Stepanos Kusants Anapati Badmutiune

Mother Superior/Archdeanconess Hripsime Tahiriants (Photo from Father K. Khutsyan’s book: Tiflsi Surp Stepanos Kusants Anapati Badmutiune

Armenian Women Scribes

In our history of manuscript production, a chapter must be devoted to women scribes, who have left a legacy of their manuscript copying works.  Many women scribes were nuns, some of whom were known as monastics in the 17th century at the Shenher and Shorot monasteries/convents/cloisters (in the Julfa region in Nachichevan), where manuscripts were illuminated.  During the revival of manuscript production in the 17th century, women monastics, like others, were inspired by the revival.  During the 17th century alone, we know of more women scribes than all others prior to that century.  The most prolific woman scribe known to us is Brabion Nodar (Note Taker) of whose works nine are known.  It is also worth mentioning several women who prepared the paper or parchment for their manuscripts. 

Shakar Havadavor (Believer) was the daughter of Father Vartishkhan.  The two commissioned, in Jerusalem, the renowned scribe Stepanos Yergayn to copy a 1321 Bible, and they gifted it to the Hreshtagabed Monastery.  Shakar also had engaged in preparing paper for manuscripts.

Khabib Khatun was the wife of the scribe Father Garabed.  She had copied a Bible in 1451 in Van.  She had also worked as a paper maker.

Mariam Grich yev Ngarich (Scribe and Illuminator) copied and illuminated a book of sermons by Krikor Datevatsi, in 1456.

Gohar was the daughter of manuscript scribe and illuminator Yerzngatsi Hovhannes’s brother and Malkhatun.  She helped her uncle during the years 1484-1486 in Gesaria by preparing the parchments and paper for a Bible and a missal.

Altun was the daughter of scribe Hovhannes Yerets, who in 1621 wrote about his daughter:  “And so my daughter Altun became my helper and prepared the paper and lit my light, and for the whole night she worked alongside of me and prepared my food…”

Goharine Kuys yev Grich (Nun and Scribe) was a scribe in 1630 at the Yerek Khorank Monastery in the village of Avandonts.  She copied a canonical book.

Marinos Grigoruhi Kuys copied Megnutiun Domari by Bishop Hagop Ghrimetsi, in 1637, and Harants Vark in 1650, in the village of Arkosh.

Mariam Grich was the daughter of Bishop Margos’s brother.  In 1647, in the village of Khanatsakh in Gharabagh, she copied a hymnbook by Nerses Shnorhali.

Mariam Kuys was the daughter of Markar and Antaram, and the niece of Kavich (Atoner) Father Giragos.  In 1651, at the Shenher Convent she copied Krikor Datevatsi’s Vosgeporik.

Varvare Kuys.  Three of her works are available:  Hishadagaran, written in 1647; Zhamagirk, copied in 1655, and Karozagirk of Krikor Datevatsi, copied in 1684 at the Pokr Siunik Convent.

Hripsime Kuys Mayrabed (Mother Superior) copied, in 1651, a prayer book, an hour book, and a calendar of holidays for “Yeghisabet,” and in 1653 Megnutiun Zhamagirki at the Halidzor Cloister.

Varteni Abashkharogh (Penitent) copied one Sandukht Book in 1657.

Shushan Norashingetsi Kuys was the daughter of Bashkhi and Khurmi, and sister of Aristakes Vartabed (celibate priest).  In the village of Shorot, she copied the Badmagirk of Yeghishe, of Khorenatsi, etc., in 1664 when she was 43 years old.  In 1666, at the request of her brother Father Aristakes, she copied Megnutiun Aragats Soghomoni.

Margarid Kuys copied Nerses Shnorhali’s Gir Havado in 1669 and a Bible in 1676, at Surp Asdvatsatsin Convent in the village of Shorot, located in the district of Yernjag.

Erine Kuyr (Sister) copied Adeni Zhamagirk at the Shenher Convent in 1673.

Maryam Grich was a student of Father Nahabed, who later became Catholicos (1691-1705). She copied the following works between 1673 and 1678: Hayli Varuts, a translation of Stepanos Lehatsi; Harants Vark and Vosgeporik at St. Hagop in Jerusalem as a gift to her godfather, Vartabed Nahabed.

Khanum Dbir (Acolyte) copied a Bible at St. Gevork Church in the village of Agn, in 1682, at the request of Mrs. Nur Melik.

Goharine Kuys  copied Krikor Naregati’s Prayer Book at Shorot Cloister in 1687-1688. She was the daughter of Bedros and Hripsime.

Marinos Kuys bound the manuscript copied by Goharine at Shorot Cloister in 1687-1688.

Soghovme copied a book titled Khrad Hokevork in 1730.

Brabion Nodar yev Gragruhi (Note Taker and Secretary) was a student of Mateos Gragir. She copied the following books in Constantinople: Badmutiun Zhoghovats Yeprosi yev Kaghgeton, 1772, at Palat’s (section in Constantinope) Surp Hreshdagabed Church as a gift to Bishop Hovhannes Mamigonetsi; Andar Noraguyn Mdatsmants, 1773; Badmutiun Zhoghovats, 1774, at Palat’s Surp Hreshdagabed Church; Megnutiun Hngamadeni, 1779, for Vartan Vartabed; Megnutiun Yergots Yergooyn, 1780, for Vartan Vartabed; Megnutiun Madteosi of Nerses Shnorhali and Hovhannes Yerzngatsi, 1781; Khosk Hin Yeranutiun of Grigor Niusatsi, 1783, (at times, this manuscript was at Armash Monastery, [built in 1611, near Izmit, Turkey]); Havakatsu Muh, which contained the work of Hovhannes Kahana (priest) titled Haghags Anguinavor Tvots, 1786.  The manuscript is at the Yerevan Madenadaran (Repository) #2595; Karozgirk of Patriarch Hagop Nalian, 1788, for Baghdasar Vartabed of Jerusalem.

Heghine Abashkharogh copied Iknadeos Vartabed’s Megnutiun Ghugasu in the 17th century. Exact date and place unknown.

Husdiane Kuys copied Anastas Kahana’s Aghotagirk and Yeprem the Assyrian‘s Zhamagirk and Aghotk in the 17th century.  Exact date and place unknown.

Mariam Grich is assumed to have copied a Karozagirk by Krikor Datevatsi in the 17th century. Since there were three other scribes named Mariam during this period, it is uncertain which Mariam is actually the one.

***

The eleven-stanza poem Srpuhi Mariam (Saint Mary), (translated by Diana Der Hovanessian and Marzbed Margossian), is the only surviving work by the 8th century hermit Sahakdoukht Siunetsi (of Siunik), who was of noble birth.  Foreign invaders destroyed her works, just as they destroyed the countless works of numerous other Armenians throughout the centuries.  She spent her life in seclusion in a cave in Garni, located in the center of Armenia, near churches, monasteries, and a first-century pagan temple.  Sahakdoukht was a scholar, poet, and hymnographer.  She composed liturgical chants, wrote devotional poems, and, while seated behind a curtain, taught sacred music to musicians and students.  The following are the first two stanza’s of the poem:

             Saint Mary

Saint Mary, Incorruptible altar,
Giver of life, mother of life-giving words,
Blessed are you among women,
Joyful virgin mother of God.

And spiritual orchard, bright flower,
You conceived from God, as from rains
Flowing through the soul, the word,
And with the shield of your body
Made it apparent to men…

***

In a section from Kristonya Hayastan Hanragitaran (The Encyclopedia of Christian Armenia) titled Halidzori Kusanats Anapat (The Convent of Halidzor), the convent, located in Armenia’s Siunik Region, is described as follows:

Halidzor Convent is located in the Halidzor Fortress, on the slopes of a forested mountain, on the right bank of the Voghj River near the village of Bekh in the Kapan region of Siunik.  It was established during the first half of the 17th century.  In 1653, the Mother Superior of the convent was Hripsime, who is mentioned as a manuscript copier.  In 1668, the convent had 70 members.  In 1711, the abbot of Datev Monastery, Bishop Arakel, was viciously murdered at the convent.  In the 18th century, Davit Bek (a prominent military figure of noble lineage, died in 1728) converted the convent into a fortress due to its strategic position, and even then the convent operated as one.  In 1727, when the Turkish army surrounded Halidzor, the nuns participated in the fortress’ defense.  Walls on a square foundation surround the complex.  The only tower is located at the southwestern corner.  The church is built of basalt stone…and from the rooftop canons were used to fight the enemy.  The strategic position of the convent helped Davit Bek and his small group of fighters successfully defend against the numerous attacks of the thousands in the Turkish army.

***

Another example of the legacy left by the women monastics of the Armenian Apostolic Church is detailed in the book Tiflisi Surp Stepanos Kusanats Anapati Badmutiune (The History of Tiflis’s St. Stepanos Convent), which is in Holy Etchmiadzin’s library.  It was published at the request of Archdeacon Hripsime Tahiriants, who, in October 1911, was appointed Mother Superior of St. Stepanos Convent.  The generous and diligent nun-deaconess, upon realizing that a history of the convent had not been written, requested that Reverend Father Khoren Khutsyan write it.  She provided him with the archives and funds for the book’s publication.  The book contains several photos.

The destruction of a tombstone (Photo from Chookaszian's book: Archag Fetvadjian)

The destruction of a tombstone (Photo from Chookaszian’s book: Archag Fetvadjian)

The following are highlights from the 100-page book:

Hermetic life existed in Armenia even before Christianity.  The beginnings of Armenian Christianity are connected with the names of the virgins Hripsime and Gayane.  Convents came into existence in Armenia along with Christianity.  St. Nerses the Great established walled convents.  Women’s monastic life was not widespread, even now. 

St. Stepanos Convent, which had numerous nuns, was established in 1725 in Tiflis, Georgia.  Girls from prominent and noble or princely families and girls from poor families joined the convent.  Because of the convent’s high moral reputation, families also sent delinquent girls to the convent to be disciplined.  St. Stepanos’s Mariamyan-Hovnanyants Girls’ School was opened in 1877 with funds from Stepan Hovnanyants.  The school was built next to the convent and placed under the care of the nuns. 

Initially, nuns had no clerical status but were all equal.  Eventually, the seniority system developed and by 1780 St. Stepanos Convent had a Mother Superior.  Many of the girls who entered the convent were illiterate and spoke only Georgian, and therefore learned the prayers by memorization.  The prelate often visited the convent and encouraged the women to strive for even more education, especially in the study of Grabar (Classical Armenian).  When a postulant made her final decision to serve the church, the Catholicos approved her acceptance into the order. Sister Takuhi, the first Mother Superior of St. Stepanos served in that position from 1790 to 1799.  She came from a wealthy family and bequeathed her wealth to Jerusalem and Etchmiadzin.  In 1796, the Catholicos sent a few of the nuns to Astrakhan, Russia. 

Sister Knarik helping during baptism (photo provided by Father Chiftjian)

Sister Knarik helping during baptism (photo provided by Father Chiftjian)

The names and dates of the women who served as Mother Superior at the convent after Takuhi were: Katarine Amaduni; Husdiane Asdvatsaduriants (1806-1839), who came from a wealthy family; Mariam; Gayane Ghorghanyan, a humble and affable person who entered the convent at age 14, began learning Armenian and church rituals, became a nun-deaconess, built a church to replace the convent chapel, wove many gold and silver threaded pieces for the Etchmiadzin and Jerusalem cathedrals, became Mother Superior in 1840 and served in that capacity for 35 years; Hripsime Begtabekyants was a tbir (acolyte) and a vocalist with music training; Yepemia Behboutyants; Katarine Arghutyan (of a princely family) entered the convent at age 7, ordained nun in 1836, became Mother Superior in 1877, and served in that capacity until 1898 during which time she made many renovations to the church and convent at her expense; Pepronia Khubyants entered the convent in 1826 at the age of 7; Heprosine Abamelikyan (of a princely family) entered the convent at age 13.  Hripsime Tahiriants, the daughter of a wealthy and influential family who wanted her to join the religious order, entered the convent at a very young age.  She became a nun-deaconess, initiated the writing of the bylaws of the convent for approval by the Catholics, and became the last Mother Superior at St. Stepanos. 

In an article about nuns on the official Web Site of The Armenian Church – Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin, the following was written about Archdeacon Hripsime Tahiriants, “With Sovietization, monastic life was disrupted, the nuns scattered, and the facility was confiscated.  In a destitute state, Sister Hripsime (who once donated great sums of money to wherever she saw the need) was given refuge in Holy Etchmiadzin where she eventually died.  Her burial place can be visited at the monastery of St. Gayane.”

Currently in Armenia, some of the nuns of the Surp Hripsimyants Order of The Armenian Apostolic Church are preparing to take minor orders.

In L. B. Chookaszian’s recently published book, the author has included photos of St. Stepanos Armenian Convent/Monastery in Tiflis, Georgia, before its takeover by the Georgian government and transformation into a Georgian church (between the late 20th century and first decade of the 21st century).  Also included in the book are photos documenting the Georgian government’s destruction of the monastery’s facade, altar and marble cross, and tombstones of the Armenian women monastics.

***

As mentioned in Part 1 of this article (The Armenian Weekly, July 6, 2013), Archbishop Vatche Hovsepian, Primate of the Western Diocese, ordained Seta Simonian Atamian acolyte in Cupertino, California, in 1984, and in 2002 Archbishop Gisak Mouradian, Primate of Argentina, ordained Maria Ozkul to the diaconate.  I would like to add that in 1986 Donna Barsamian Sirounian, acolyte, served on the altar with Deaconess Hripsime Sasunian of the Kalfayan Sisterhood at St. Thomas Armenian Church in Tenafly, New Jersey, during her visit to the U.S.

***

In a recent email communication I had with the Very Reverend Father Krikor Chiftjian, Prelate of the Armenian Diocese of Azerbaijan (Adrbadagan), Iran, he graciously provided the following information on St. Catherine’s Convent in New Julfa titled Surp Gadarinyan Menadune (St. Catherine’s Convent).  He also provided recent photos (taken by his staff at his request) of the complex, an old photo of the nuns (from a 2012 book titled The Immortals by Alice Navasartian), a photo of the nunnery, which is now a school, and a photo of a wool carpet made by the nuns. On the top right-hand corner of the carpet appears the date 1802.  “The carpet,” Father Chiftjian wrote, “is in the Prelacy of Isfahan, in the Prelate’s room, as a historical piece of art.”  In addition, he also provided information on the Halidzor Convent and the nun-deaconesses in Lebanon.

Saint Catherine’s Convent

The Convent is located in the Charsu neighborhood on the south side of St. Hovhan Church.  It was built in 1623.  The church, a small and simple building with 8 windows, is situated in the center of the courtyard of the convent.  On the upper part of the altar are paintings of Jesus, the Apostles, and the Virgin Mary…In the parishioner’s section hang the paintings of St. Catherine and St. Mesrop Mashdots.  At the baptismal font there is a small, double door with paintings of Jesus.  There are writings on the walls of the church.  An example is, “In Memory of Virgin Catherine.”

The convent has had up to 32 members.  It had very small cells on the eastern, southern, and northern sides of the church.  At the beginnings of the 20th century, the cells on the eastern and southern sides were demolished and in their place in 1907 Bagrat Vartabed Vartazarian built a two-story building to be used as an orphanage, workshop, and carpet factory.  On the western side of the building, there is a stained-glass window with the inscription, “St. Catherine’s Orphanage and Workshop, 1907.”

Of the nuns’ cells, only a few are left, one of which has paintings on the walls.  At the eastern entrance of the church, hangs the church’s wooden “bell” which in the past was used in place of a bell.  Recently, during the renovation of the church, a colorful painting was discovered on the external wall of the northern door.

In 1964, the building that housed the carpet factory, which consisted of a few rooms and located at the eastern side of the convent, was demolished.  The plan was to build an orphanage but instead a nursing home was built, which later was turned into apartments. 

In 1858, the first girls’ school was established at the convent.  In 1900, a separate building for the school was built and called Gadarinyan (Catherine’s) School.  The school still exists, but today it is a boys’ school.  At the present, on St. Catherine’s name day mass is performed at the convent’s church.

As the number of monastic women at the convent progressively decreased, the doors of St. Catherine’s were finally closed in 1954.

In C. Colliver Rice’s book (1923) titled Persian Women and Their Ways, the author includes a photograph of the wooden “bell” pictured with two of the nuns at St. Catherine’s Convent (page 185).  The caption below the photo reads, “Beating the board as a summons to worship is a relic of ancient times when there were no bells.  The sounds are soft and musical and very much like bells.”  On page 279, the author describes the work of one of the Armenian deaconesses in these words:  “There are various agencies at work in the hope of helping women to make good, among them the Mothers’ Union has branches in different towns, and has an Armenian deaconess working among the carpet-weavers of Kirman.  She is a trained nurse and has several weekly clinics for Moslem women of various classes, which are largely attended and increasingly appreciated.  There is a large branch of the Mothers’ Union among the Armenian women of Julfa.  They have a great idea of sharing the help they get with others.”

In his email, Father Chiftjian (born 1969, Beirut, Lebanon), wrote that before his election as prelate in 2012, he served from 2009 to 2011 as the “spiritual advisor and dean of the Gayanayants Sisterhood in Jbeil, Lebanon, and the spiritual director of the Bird’s Nest Orphanage.”  In 1983, the Armenian Catholicosate of the Great House of Cilicia in Antelias, Lebanon, under Catholicos Karekin II, founded the Sisterhood.  Among the Sisters’ various duties are the care and nurturing of the children at the orphanage and assisting the priest during the baptism of orphans.  To date, the Gayanyants Sisterhood has three nun-deacons.  They are Knarik Gaypakian, Shnorhig Boyadjian, and Gayane Badakian.

Among Father Chiftjian’s numerous accomplishments since his ordination as celibate priest in 1990 was the position of staff bearer to Catholicos Karekin II and, after the latter became Catholicos Karekin I of All Armenians in 1994, the new Catholicos’s secretary.  Father Chiftjian has taught at the Kevorkian Academy in Etchmiadzin, authored 20 books, and edited more than 20 publications.

***

Although the following women were not monastics, they served the Armenian Church and Nation by having churches built.  The 2007 calendar of the Diocese of the Armenian Church of America (Eastern), Built by Women, highlights their work.

Princess Mariam, daughter of King Ashot I Bagratuni and wife of Prince Vasak Gabur of Siunik, built Sevanavank in 874 AD.

Queen Mlke and King Gagik Artsruni of Armenia’s Vaspurakan Region built Surp Khach Church of Aghtamar Island in 915-921.

Princess Sopia (Ajarian spelling), sister of King Gagik Artsruni and wife of Prince of princes Smpad of Siunik, built Gndevank in 931-936, which later became a monastery.

Queen Khosrovanush, wife of King Ashot the Merciful, authorized the construction of Haghpat Monastery in 976-991.

Queen Khushush (Ajarian spelling), daughter of King Gagik Bagratuni and wife of King Senekerim of Vaspurakan, sponsored the construction of Surp Sopia Church of Varag Monastery in 981.

Queen Catherinade, daughter of King Vasak I of Siunik and wife of King Gagik I Bagratuni, continued the construction of the Ani Cathedral after the death of her husband, in 998-1001.

Note: The Convent of Ani, at Ani, is believed to have had a community of nuns. The convent is also known as the Hripsimian Kusanant Vank, Kusanats Vank, and Surp Hripsime.  It was built sometime between the early 11th and early 13th centuries.  Photos of the convent are included in the book Armenia:1700 Years of Christian Architecture.

Princess Shahandukht, daughter of King Sevada the Glorious and wife of Prince Smbat of Siunik, built Vorotnavank in 1000.

Princess Mariam, daughter of King Gyurige II, built one of the three churches named Mariamashen in the monastic complex of Kobayravank in 1171.

Arzukhatun, a noblewoman of the Vakhtangian princely dynasty, a painter, embroiderer, and weaver, revitalized Dadivank in 1214 (date in Ulubabyan), and built a church that surrounded the graves of her husband and two sons.

Mamakhatun and her husband, Prince Vache Vachutian, constructed Saghmosavank in 1215.  In 1232, Mamakhatun was the principal supporter of the construction of Tegheri Monastery.

Princess Gontsa, under her patronage, initiated the construction of Spitakavor Surp Asdvadzadzin Church in 1301.

***

Sources:

Ajarian, Hratchya. Hayots Antsnanunneri Bararan (Dictionary of Armenian Personal Names). Aleppo: Kilikia, 2006.

Anahid, Flora. “Women In Western (Turkish) Armenian Culture.”  A.R.S. (Armenian Relief Society) Quarterly 10, no. 1 (October 1948): 54.

Asadur, Melkon.  “Mayrabednern Ukhdavor” (Pilgrim Nuns), a poem. Sion (Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem), (May 19, 1933).

Chookaszian, L. B. Archag Fetvadjian. Yerevan: Printinfo, 2011.

Hasratyan, Murad and Sargsyan, Zaven. Hayastan: Kristonyakan Jartarapetutyan 1700 Tarin (Armenia: 1700 Years of Christian Architecture). Yerevan: Moughni Publishers, 2001.

Haykakan Sovetakan Hanragitaran (Soviet-Armenian Encyclopedia), vol. 8. Yerevan, 1982.

Khutsyan, Reverend Khoren. Tiflisi Surp Stepanos Kusanats Anapati Badmutiune (The History of St. Stepanos Convent of Tiflis). Tiflis (Georgia): Esperanto, 1914.

Kristonya Hayastan Hanragitaran (Encyclopedia of Christian Armenia). “Halidzori Kusanats Anapat” (The Convent of Halidzor). (Place and date unavailable.)

Mkrtichian, Samuel, ed. Selected Armenian Poets. “Srpuhi Mariam” (Saint Mary), a poem. Yerevan (Armenia): Samson Publishers, 1993.

Navasartian, Alice. The Immortals. (Place and publisher unavailable, 2012.)

Oghlukian, Father Abel.  The Deaconess In the Armenian Church – A Brief Survey. New   Rochelle (New   York): St. Nersess Armenian Seminary, 1994.

Rice, C. Colliver. Persian Women and Their Ways. London: 1923.

The Armenian Church, Etchmiadzin, Armenia, Web Site. “Nuns.” Accessed in 2013.

Tsovagan, Bishop Nerses. “Hay Grchuhiner” (Armenian Women Scribes). Sion (April-May, 1954): 133-135.

Ulubabyan, Bagrat. Artsakhi Badmutiune (The History of Arstakh). Yerevan: M. Varandian, 1994.

***

The author would like to express her deep appreciation to the following for kindly responding to her inquiries regarding The Armenian Apostolic Church and for graciously providing material on the subject:

Deacon Levon Altiparmakian, Director of St. Nersess Armenian Seminary, New Rochelle, NY.

Archbishop Aram Atesyan, Deputy General of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, Istanbul, Turkey.

Very Reverend Father Krikor Chiftjian, Prelate of the Armenian Diocese of Azerbaijan (Adrbadagan), Iran.

Archbishop Oshagan Choloyan, Prelate, Eastern Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic Church of America.

Ms. Hasmik Melkonyan of the Etchmiadzin Library, Etchmiadzin, Armenia.

 

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Seeking to be Armenian

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An initiative introduced by the Armenian government to stop the reduction in numbers of its citizenry was the law of dual citizenship. The law which came into effect in 2008 ensured that while large numbers of Armenians continued to leave the country in search of a better life, they did not need to relinquish their Armenian citizenship in order to attain a new nationality and passport. At the same time the law allowed those Armenians whose forebears had escaped the Armenian Genocide and made a new life in a foreign land to become Armenian citizens while retaining the passports of their host country.

The Near East Relief ID of orphaned Armenian Genocide survivor Aharon Meguerditchian

The Near East Relief ID of orphaned Armenian Genocide survivor Aharon Meguerditchian

My motivation to attain Armenian citizenship is driven by my simple right to be a citizen of the nation-state of Armenia. It can best be explained through my grandfather’s story.

Aharon Meguerditchian was born in the town of Hasanbey near the city of Adana on what is today the southern Mediterranean coast of Turkey. At the age of seven his family and the families of his friends, were rounded up in the town centre by soldiers of the Ottoman Empire. That’s where Aharon’s father, Hovsep, was separated from his family. Along with all the other men of the town, his father’s hands were tied behind his back and his beard set alight as Aharon and his younger brother Manassee, just five, watched on. Aharon, Manassee and their mother, Persape, were instructed to join the caravan of women, children and the elderly in forced marches further south. A few hours into the march, Aharon was told to run as fast and as far as he could with Manassee. The instruction this time did not come from the soldiers; it came from the familiar, loving voice of his mother. Aharon and Manassee did just that: They ran as fast as they could, over the ridge and beyond, without looking back or turning around, until they were alone, until they were “safe.”

In a matter of hours, Aharon was no longer a child; he was Manassee’s protector. Luckily, Aharon and Manassee came across Danish missionaries, who placed them on a ship and sent them on their way to a new world. The next ten years Aharon and Manassee spent in an orphanage in Lebanon. Aharon’s journey took him from Adana to Beirut, Buenos Aires, Marseille, back to Beirut and eventually to Sydney where he passed away surrounded by family in 1985.

Despite his burning desire, Aharon never had the chance to be a contributing citizen of the Armenian state. The only ‘Armenian’ document he ever had was his Near East Relief ID provided by the orphanage.  I, however, do have that opportunity. Being a citizen makes me no more Armenian but it is a right I choose to exercise and a responsibility I choose to accept.

It is not enough to simply be satisfied that there is now an independent Armenia. As descendants of survivors of the Armenian Genocide, we have a responsibility to ensure that the Armenian nation state fulfils its purpose of serving the needs and protecting the rights of the Armenian people. Armenian citizenship provides us diasporans the legal rights to have a say in the affairs of the Armenian state. Concerns surrounding state polices on health, education, social welfare, trade, infrastructure and foreign affairs can be more legitimately raised by citizens.

It also gives us the right to put our capabilities, skills and expertise to serve and represent Armenia as fully-fledged citizens of the state where and when required on the international stage.

This should be the purpose driving diasporans to seek Armenian citizenship and it is disappointing that not more of us are choosing to exercise that right. It was recently reported that some 21,000 Armenians applied for Armenian citizenship in 2013. This represents just a small fraction of the Diaspora and clearly more of us need to be seeking and attaining Armenian citizenship.

But just as we have a responsibility to the Armenian state, the state has a responsibility to us.

The Diaspora Ministry of Armenia website still notes that “the dual citizenship institute is a novelty in Armenia and, as every mechanism it requires more improvement, mitigation and simplification.” The passage continues, “This was not intended to cause any trouble for anyone.”

A welcome acknowledgement, but six years after the dual citizenship law came into effect, merely recognising the cumbersome nature of the process is simply not good enough. With acknowledgement comes responsibility.

My journey toward seeking Armenian citizenship was somewhat challenging. It required multiple back and forth visits to a number of Armenian ministerial and departmental offices including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Passports and Visas. On one of those visits I was even instructed to attain verification of my personal documents from the Armenian Embassy in Australia. The staffer was seemingly unaware that there is no Armenian diplomatic representation in Australia. Nonetheless, my application was finally submitted in July 2013 and I expect to attain my Armenian passport during my next visit to Armenia this year.

There are an estimated ten million people who identify as Armenian across the world while just over three million of these hold Armenian citizenship. Armenia must streamline the process of citizenship and actively recruit individuals. It must do so to encourage these people to contribute to the development of Armenian society and nation building from the sciences to the arts, sports and the political arena. It must do so in the interests of national security and prosperity.

After all, a nation state of ten million contributing citizens is much more influential than a state of just three million.

The post Seeking to be Armenian appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

The Quest for Aurora: On ‘Ravished Armenia’ and its Surviving Fragment

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Special for The Armenian Weekly April Magazine

A personal memoir

Four score and 15 years ago, “Ravished Armenia” (or “Auction of Souls”), the silent movie where Aurora Mardiganian (1901-94) played her own story of survival of the Medz Yeghern (Great Crime), came onto the silver screen as the earliest example of a genocidal crime embedded into a Hollywood production. The outcome was not very enlightening, as film historian Anthony Slide, one of its most knowledgeable students, has argued: “Despite the high moral tone surrounding the production (…) it is obvious that ‘Ravished Armenia’ was really nothing more than a carefully orchestrated commercial production.”1

La Razon, Buenos Aires, August 31, 1920 (Photo courtesy of Eduardo Kozanlian)

La Razon, Buenos Aires, August 31, 1920 (Photo courtesy of Eduardo Kozanlian)

Nevertheless, its PR impact as “a frank straight-forward exposition of sufferings of Armenia, which makes a sincere and powerful appeal to every drop of red blood in America’s manhood and womanhood,”2 as well as its vanishing from worldwide film vaults—a metaphor of the wall of silence that for decades surrounded the wholesale extermination—have aroused widespread interest.

The story had already caught my eye as a high school senior in Buenos Aires. My father had a few collections of Armenian newspapers, including the independent Armenian Argentinean biweekly Hamazkayin (1964-68, in Armenian and Spanish), where the early Spanish translation of Aurora Mardiganian’s story was serialized in 1965. Years later, a very informative article by Armenian-American book collector Mark A. Kalustian in The Armenian Mirror-Spectator helped complete the picture.3

After some time, I passed the article on to a friend of mine, Eduardo Kozanlian, who had been hunting down all sorts of Mardiganian-related materials for a very long time. Seventy-five years after the first screening of 1919, he discovered the surviving fragment of approximately 15 minutes. One night in 1995, in my Buenos Aires home we watched those silent images that had once tried to represent the Aghed (Catastrophe). Over the years, I would urge him to write down an account drawn from his extensive collection of memorabilia, but, for different reasons, it never happened.

Attorney Siruhi Belorian-Piranian in 1999 sponsored a reprint of the Spanish translation of “Ravished Armenia” in Buenos Aires on the 80th anniversary of the first edition. Kozanlian loaned his own copy and provided pictures and other materials. He was asked to write an introduction to this second edition, but for unknown reasons and without further explanation, the text was dropped from the final printing.4

In late 1996, Kozanlian had traveled to the United States to pursue his research. He presented VHS copies of the film segment to people interested in the subject or who had helped him in his endeavors. Anthony Slide was likely referring to those copies in 1997 when he wrote, “Rumors abound of a videotape representing 10 percent of the production circulating in the Armenian-American community.”5

One of the copies was probably “pirated” for an anonymous VHS commercial release of the segment circa 2000, without identification of publisher, place, or date; I saw it on sale in 2002 at the Sardarabad bookstore in Glendale, Calif. The back cover of the jacket only mentioned “a researcher in Buenos Aires, South America.” Some footage appeared in Andrew Goldberg’s PBS documentary “The Armenian Americans” (2000), which included Kozanlian’s name among the credits, but did not identify the movie as the ultimate source.6

There was no reference to the story in the DVD released in 2009 by the Armenian Genocide Resource Center of Northern California, spearheaded by late genocide researcher Richard Diran Kloian (1939-2010). It included the fragment cleaned up, edited, and captioned after the titles of the book, with Samuel Barber’s “Adagio for Strings” as background music—the same music of the VHS—and the addition of a slideshow of the stills. Filmmaker Zareh Tjeknavorian’s “Credo, a 22-minute video of the film together with Armin Wegner’s photographs from the genocide, footage of the 80th anniversary of the genocide in Yerevan, and the music of Loris Tjeknavorian’s “Second Symphony,” was uploaded on YouTube in April 2009. The accompanying note stated: “Incredibly, all copies of ‘Ravished Armenia’ were lost until a 15-minute fragment resurfaced in France in the 1960’s. The reel was preserved by a cinematographer named Yervand Setyan, and is presented here in full.”7

As the second Spanish edition of 1999 was out of print, researcher Sergio Kniasian in 2011 published a digital version of the Spanish translation on a CD, which also included his article on the discovery and another by film scholar Artsvi Bakhchinyan on early cinematography on the genocide, together with many illustrations.8

I revisited those silent images in April 2010 at the screening of the DVD in St. Leons’ Armenian Church of Fair Lawn, N.J., and talked about the discovery during the question and answer session that followed Anthony Slide’s lecture. Upon his request to write down the story, I started to draft an article that would include other pieces of information I had uncovered over the years.9 The 20th anniversary of the discovery is an opportunity as good as any to write the last word and to set the record straight.

Armenian reception of the film

A few quotes from Armenian-American newspapers in 1919 have appeared in Bakhchinyan’s encyclopedic study of Armenians in world cinema.10 Otherwise, those collections do not seem to have been scrutinized by researchers of “Ravished Armenia,” at least in the United States. There were very few English-language newspapers—Arshag D. Mahdesian’s The New Armenia, an independent monthly, and The Armenian Herald, a monthly briefly published by the Armenian National Union. Party organs published their newspapers in Armenian: Hairenik (Armenian Revolutionary Federation, or ARF) in Boston; Azk (Armenian Constitutional Democratic Party), the predecessor to the now defunct organ of the Armenian Democratic Liberal (Ramgavar) Party, Baikar, also in Boston; Yeridasart Hayastan (Social Democrat Hunchakian Party), in Providence at the time; and Asbarez (ARF), then in Fresno.

Apart from a few other short-lived publications in Armenian, whose collections are more difficult to trace, we must make particular mention of Gochnag (renamed Gochnag Hayastani in 1919 and Hayastani Gochnag in 1921), published by the Armenian Educational Foundation in New York, which represented the views of the evangelical section of the community and widely supported charity work, particularly by the Near East Relief, which was presided over by missionary James L. Barton, under whose auspices the book had been published and the story filmed. A search of the collection of this weekly between November 1918 and May 1920, nevertheless, did not yield references to Mardiganian’s book (of which two American editions were released in 1918-19), or to the movie, which was premiered at the Plaza Hotel of Manhattan in February 1919 as “the official photo-drama of the National Motion Picture Committee of the American Committee for Relief in the Near East.”11 Such a glaring omission is odd; the promotion of the film claimed that “although it is probably the most sensational film ever produced, the best people, including churches, in every community, are giving it their unqualified support because of its overwhelming truths.”12

La Nacion, Buenos Aires, August 29, 1920 (Photo courtesy of Eduardo Kozanlian)

La Nacion, Buenos Aires, August 29, 1920 (Photo courtesy of Eduardo Kozanlian)

Only a brief report of the screening of the film in Worcester, Mass., on June 2, 1919 appeared out of the blue. Even today, a reader unaware of the existence of the film would not realize that it alluded to it. The report noted the “presentation called ‘Ravished Armenia’ that depicts the Armenian misery, whose heartbreaking scenes could not awaken but sad feelings in the hearts of any Armenian. Watching those images representing the calamitous state of our sisters, s/he seemed to hear a voice in his/her soul, the voice rising from the wounded hearts of thousands of miserable Armenians who called for help.” Fourteen Armenian young girls wrapped in Armenian and American flags—their names were listed—served as ushers and worked in the fundraiser that followed. Another young girl played the piano.13 The word nergayatsum (literally “presentation”) may also mean “performance,” “play,” or even “exhibition,” and ‘Ravished Armenia’ could be taken for a slideshow of photographs of the Medz Yeghern.14

A cursory and partial look at the issues of Hairenik, Azk, and Yeridasart Hayastan has not revealed negative reactions from the community. Nevertheless, there were reports about problems of censorship due to the graphic nature of the images on the eve of the commercial release (May 1919):

“To make ‘Ravished Armenia’ a source of profit, its moving picture [շարժուն պատկեր] was made to be exhibited. The New York newspapers devoted wide pages to it and confessed that no moving picture leaves such a horrifying impression as ‘Ravished Armenia’ does; judging from the images that have been brought out, we admit that these moving pictures invited more compassion and pity than the descriptions of ‘New York American.’15 Today, however, the government has set a prohibition and does not allow the moving picture ‘Ravished Armenia’ to be exhibited, because many girls and women could not contain their shock during the showing and fell and fainted. How should we not remember here and ask: What happened to those who were the spectators and the unfortunate subjects of all that? Of course, we cannot say with certainty that the cause of this suspension is emotion or some political motive. This will be known in the future…”16

Mardiganian’s story during and after the production of the movie mixed stardom and exploitation. According to Slide, who explored the issue in detail and was fortunate to interview her in 1988, “No more sorrowful exploitation by the film industry of a tragic event in world history exists than that of the filming of ‘Auction of Souls.’”17

It is not known, however,that the community actually took an interest in the young survivor’s troubles and tried to help her. We have at least one documented reference from the Armenian National Union, an umbrella organization founded in 1917 in Boston to pursue the Armenian Cause. This was a branch of the homonymous organization founded earlier that same year in Egypt as the outcome of an inter-party agreement. It was initially comprised by six main organizations: two churches, the Armenian Apostolic Church and the Armenian Evangelical Church; three parties, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, the Social-Democratic Hunchakian, and the Reorganized (Veragazmeal) Hunchakian (the 1896 splinter that became one of the founding parties of the Armenian Democratic Liberal Party in 1921); and a charity, the Armenian General Benevolent Union. Divergences arose within the organization in the beginning of 1919, after the all-community vote to elect delegates for the Armenian National Congress held in Paris the same year. As a result, first the ARF and later the Hunchakian Party left the Union.

The Union lobbied to stop the exhibition of “Auction of Souls.” The whereabouts of its files are unknown to us, but fortunately there is a copy of its four-year report (1917-21), published in Armenian. It contains the following paragraph: “The Union worked to suspend the performances of the photoplay [պատկերախաղ] ‘Ravished Armenia’ or ‘Auction of Souls, shown to the benefit of the American [Near East] Relief everywhere in the United States, whose features hurt Armenian feelings.”

A footnote to the paragraph clarified: “An Armenian girl who was the main actress of this photoplay had come to America and was being exploited. The known chemist, Dr. Moosheg Vaygouney18 [Մուշեղ Վայկունի], came from San Francisco to New York to make the same protest to the American Relief, both to stop the movie and the exploitation of the girl.”19

This may have not been the only case of opposition and outrage. An article by Karekin Boyajian in Hairenik spoke of an unnamed film, promoted throughout the community as a depiction of “the real picture of the Armenian tragedy.” Three people had protested to the Armenian Prelacy, while others had been a hindrance to the screening: “However, the exhibition of the images…did not give the real value of our national profile and moral principle. … In their dishonest role of exploitation, the Armenian members of the Armenia Film Company came to our wounded hearts to open new wounds. … Shame on such Armenians, who wanted to show once again to [the] Armenian and foreign public the Turkish impudent barbarism on our virtuous sisters’ honors.”20

Quoting these excerpts, published in April 1921, Bakhchinyan has suggested that the article may have referred to “The Hero of Armenia,” a film with Armenian national hero General Antranig as the main character (and seemingly containing real footage of him), produced by Armenia Film Company. The announcements in the press that the film, otherwise unknown, was ready in April 1920 did not make any mention of genocide scenes, though.21 It is also possible, then, that the company actually rented and showed “Ravished Armenia” to make a quick buck, as the vague description seems to fit Aurora Mardiganian’s film better.

Negative reactions, which need to be further explored, were likely motivated by the realization that, “while the text tried to sanitize the brutalities of the Turkish gendarmerie, the film went as far as to deliver a sensational exposé of sexual transgression that objectified women and girls, thus downplaying the gravity of the committed crimes.”22 The infinite violence of the Medz Yeghern had broken all moral standards. The exhibition of such scenes was seen as a continuation of that violence.

‘Ravished Armenia’ in Buenos Aires: 1920s

Mardiganian’s memoir had reportedly reached 360,000 copies in circulation by 1934.23 It was translated twice into Armenian before the release of the movie, and serialized in Hairenik and Yeridasart Hayastan, but none of those translations were turned into a book. Both were published in 1918, after the serialized version in the Hearst newspapers and not after the book, whose first edition was in December 1918.24 Other translations would be published in book form much later, in the 1960’s (Western Armenian) and 1990’s (Eastern Armenian).25

It seems that the second edition of the memoir was simultaneously reprinted and translated into Spanish, as both publications were printed in 1919 by International Copyright Bureau, a literary agency based in New York. The Spanish translation bore the title “Razed Armenia. Auction of Souls. The Story of Aurora Mardiganian, the Young Christian Girl Survivor of the Terrible Massacres.”26 There was a subtle change in the title: while the English ravished presented a double meaning (“raped,” in the usage of the day, now old-fashioned, or “damaged and robbed,” also today), the similarly sounding Spanish arrasada plainly meant “razed” or “destroyed,” without any sexual connotation.

A Spanish translation of an English book outside of Spain and Latin America was not a surprising event, even a century ago. There were also precedents of Spanish translations of French books published in Paris. As far as we know, this was actually the third translation on the topic in Spanish. The previous two such translations, Arnold Toynbee’s Atrocities in Armenia (1916)27 and Faiz-el-Ghusein’s Martyred Armenia (1918),28 were published in Great Britain.

The movie reached Latin America and was shown in Mexico, Cuba, and Argentina.29 Its title, “Subasta de almas o Armenia arrasada,” was a combination of both Spanish titles of the book. It was premiered in the Callao Cinema of Buenos Aires on Sept. 1, 1920. Advertisements appeared in the dailies La Nación and La Razón, and there were likely others. After the title of the film, the ad in La Nación quoted a lengthy paragraph from the book—the scene where a blonde girl delivers herself to the soldiers, in vain, to try to save her mother—followed by a picture of a crucified woman (suggesting that the girl was her) and the conclusion: “Aurora Mardiganian, the Christian young girl surviving among so
many undefended women, narrates scenes like this, which the public may learn watching the film…”30 An ad in another newspaper, La Razón, published the day before the premiere, highlighted that the film was a “remarkable cinematographic work which recounts the sad story of Aurora Mardiganian, the Christian young girl miraculously saved from death, who in the book Auction of Souls, dedicated to all parents, says (. . .).” The same picture of the crucified woman was interposed, with a quote from the memoir, a note on the movie theater and the date of release, and mention that the film premiered in New York at $10 per ticket and that Mardiganian herself was the protagonist. The distributor of the film, Manuel Sáenz, and his address were also given.31

Unfortunately, we know nothing about the echoes of the film. Besides, there were no Armenian newspapers to chronicle any reaction from the community. La Nación, after giving a summary of the film in its column on new movies, had concluded before the premiere: “It is, then, the story of a true scene that serves as plot to the whole history of Armenia. And the film can be judged only with it. In its scenes, in its various episodes, one must see the development of a document which is the protest of an oppressed people.”32

The print of the film was still available in 1926, when the Buenos Aires chapter of the Armenian General Benevolent Union organized a screening.33 The minutes of the board meeting of July 21, 1926 recorded: “Although the board had decided to organize the performance of a play, due to the absence of an appropriate script, it decided to make a contract with a cinema to show two films from Armenian life: ‘Miss Arshalus [sic] Mardiganian’ and ‘Oriente.’” The minutes do not mention who owned them. After various inquiries, they finally found a movie theater in the neighborhood of Boca, the Teatro José Verdi, quite close to the Armenian-populated areas of the city, and rented both films, “Subasta de almas” (60 pesos) and “El Oriente” (80 pesos); the name and origin of the latter, as well as its actual relation to Armenian themes, is unknown. The minutes from Sept. 29 noted, “Both films being sad ones, it was decided to rent a comic one too.” The screening was scheduled for Oct. 24, and 800 tickets were put on sale.

French brochure about Le martyre d'un peuple

French brochure about Le martyre d’un peuple

Unfortunately, we do not have any further information about the event, or the reaction of the public; a few short-lived newspapers existed in the community between 1922 and 1925, but 1926 marked a gap in the history of the press. The Armenian-Argentinean community at that time, unlike its North American counterpart in 1919-20, was mostly made up of newly arrived people who, after enduring the genocide, had escaped either the massacres of Cilicia in 1920-21 or the catastrophe of Smyrna in 1922. The Argentinean weekly Caras y Caretas wrote in 1923 that they “only speak of war, of crimes, of fires, of deportations, of political assassinations, of the death of Enver Bey or Talaat Pasha…and find in these red themes their favorite conversation, while the children entertain themselves playing incendio [fire] in one of the corners of the house.”34

‘The Despoiler’ and ‘Châtiment’

In a book on the 100th anniversary of the first Armenian movie, Bakhchinyan called attention to “The Despoiler, a film by American director Reginald Barker (1886-1945), with screenplay by J. G. Hawke and famous actor-director-screenwriter-producer Thomas H. Ince (1882-1924), “which reflected the tragic events and episodes of Armenian resistance” and whose scenes “took place at the Turkish-Armenian border.” It was filmed in August-October 1915 and released by Triangle Film Corporation in the United States on Dec. 15 of the same year.35 This film had a very intriguing and trouble-ridden history, which has not been entirely clarified.

“The Despoiler” (also registered as “War’s Women”) had a pacifist tone, the same as Ince’s important anti-war movie, “Civilization” (1916), which he co-directed with Barker and others.36 It ran into problems with censorship from the beginning: 10 days after its release, on Dec. 24, 1915, George H. Bell, the commissioner of the New York Department of Licenses, judged the film to be “indecent, immoral, contrary to public welfare, and not fit to be exhibited in a licensed theatre.”37 The screenings ended in late January 1916; the film was sold to the Fulton Feature Film Corporation (a subsidiary of the Triangle), re-issued in early 1917 in a revised version due to an injunction by the New York State Court on charges of immorality, and re-released in January 1920 as “The Awakening..” Barker established his credentials as a daring filmmaker: “‘War’s Women’ was in effect banned because of its perceived attitude toward sex and sexuality but it was as much a film sending out a message about female liberation and social, political, and cultural freedoms about to come, as it was a movie designed purely for titillation.”38 However, the synopsis does not show any Armenian connection. In war-torn Europe, Colonel Damien (Charles K. French) seizes an enemy town and the Emir of Balkania (Frank Keenan), the commander of the supporting native troops, threatens to unleash his men on the women who are staying in the town abbey to persuade the defeated soldiers to give up their ill-gotten money. Damien gives the captured men a payment deadline and falls asleep on a chair. Meanwhile, the emir goes to the abbey where Sylvia (Enid Markey), the colonel’s daughter, is secretly staying. He offers to free the other women in exchange for her sexual favors, but she shoots him after complying with his demands. When Damien discovers the emir’s corpse, he orders the assassin shot. Covered by a veil, Sylvia is promptly executed. The colonel is overcome with grief after her body is identified. Finally, he wakes up in his armchair and, realizing that the tragedy was only a dream, orders his troops to leave the town in peace.39

The Armenian connection appeared in the French version of the film, “Châtiment (Punishment), released in Paris on May 18, 1917. Thomas Ince was introduced as the director, something that happened frequently with films he produced. The critic of the weekly La Rampe wrote: “Ince’s ‘Châtiment is a marvelous and poignant film. Ince, a great artist, has given his measure once again. One has to watch ‘Châtiment,’ which represents superbly the bestiality of Armenian persecutions and shows the risk of the Boches in exciting vile passions among the Kurds.”40 The specialized weekly Ciné pour tous, in an extensive article about the productions of Triangle Film Corporation, characterized Châtiment as a film-à-thèse in 1921, writing, “the situations are of rare power and, as always, the many psychological notes on the margin of the intrigue make ‘Châtiment much more than a successful drama.”41

It is not clear how and where the film changed setting and plot. The only available copy of “The Despoiler,” shorter than the American original and with some losses, was restored by the Cinemathèque Française in 2010 (a five-minute trailer is available at its website). The fact that the movie was silent allowed the modification of the montage and the title cards. And thus the American original, set in an imaginary European area, with the main villain being a colonel with a vaguely French name, was turned into a realistic film of anti-German propaganda. The Kurdish troops of Khan Ouardaliah, led by German colonel Franz von Werfel, are operating on the Turkish-Armenian border. Both bandits enter Armenia and terrorize Kerouassi. Women and children take refuge in an abbey, while the notable men of the town are arrested; if they do not yield their assets and properties, their women and daughters will be sent into captivity. Beatrice, the daughter of the colonel, who was looking for her father, also reaches the abbey. The blackmail has no effect and von Werfel leaves the abbey spurring Ouardaliah’s rage, who covets Beatrice. The young girl accepts to give herself to the khan, on condition that her unfortunate companions are spared. After the horrible sacrifice, the half-mad girl kills her sleeping torturer with his weapon. Vvon Werfel sends the killer to the firing squad without realizing that she was his own daughter. Guilt-stricken, he spares the unfortunate women and takes his mercenaries elsewhere.42

It is ironic that the name of the German colonel is similar to Franz Werfel’s, the author of The Forty Days of Musa Dagh, who was a soldier in the Austrian army during the war. But the coincidence ends there.

Yervant Setian (a.k.a. Cine Seto, 1907-1997)

Yervant Setian (a.k.a. Cine Seto, 1907-1997)

Film scholar Marc Vernet has recently remarked: “In any case, it does not look likely that the French distributor of ‘Châtiment had the possibility of reworking the material of 1915 to update it; it is much more likely that the French version of 1917 comes in fact from the American version of 1917, after the retreat of January 1917 and in the moment of entrance of the United States into the war in April 1917. Basically, the version of 1917, both American and French, just erases a little the self-imposed censorship of 1915 (fuzziness of locations, names, and procedures of the main character who just dreams) maintaining the imposed censorship (the scene judged blasphemous).”43

The film had its name and contents changed for its commercial exploitation in France; there seems to be no evidence that the American original also changed its plot at the time of its re-release as “The Awakening” in 1920. It shows a remarkable parallel with the fate of “Ravished Armenia,” which changed its name and presentation in France some time between 1920 and 1925.

Le martyre d’un people

The first frame of the extant segment of “Ravished Armenia” offers a puzzle that only makes sense for readers of the Armenian language: the title is spelled in Soviet Armenian orthography and has nothing to do with the original film itself. This is a silent reminder of where these fragments were found: Yerevan. The story has a long and fascinating thread.

In October 1988, the Soviet Armenian monthly Sovetakan Hayastan (1945-89), a publication for the Armenian Diaspora by the state-run Committee for Cultural Relations with Armenian Abroad, featured an article by Gevork Mirzoyan in its section, “In the Shelter of the Motherland,” which included stories of repatriates who had successfully lived and thrived. It profiled Yervant Setian (1907-97), a survivor of the Medz Yeghern born in Adapazar, who had worked as a cameraman in Marseilles, France, before settling in Armenia during the post-World War II repatriation, where he continued his career in the Armenfilm studios over the next 30 years, with credits in popular movies like “Aurora Borealis,” “I Know Personally,” “Why the River Makes Noise.” The quotations below are taken verbatim from the translation, which appeared simultaneously in the English and Spanish digests of Sovetakan Hayastan—presumably in other languages, too—called Kroonk. The English publication included the photograph of Setian in his old age, as well as a picture of him in 1945 filming the unveiling ceremony of the statue of General Antranig in the Parisian cemetery of Père Lachaise.

In the summer of 1925, Setian, then 18 years old, watched a film called “Le martyre d’un people (The Martyrdom of a People) in a movie theater in Marseilles. “To the solemn accompaniment of the piano, scenes of the Armenian deportations and of the unprecedented atrocities they were subjected to were shown on the screen. In the cinema hall, the film aroused the fury of the audience. Not only Armenians but foreigners as well burst into tears and were beside themselves with rage protesting vociferously against the perpetrators of the slaughter,” wrote Mirzoyan. He quoted Setian: “I was filled with thoughts of desire for revenge, which bound [me] more closely to the cinema. I made up my mind definitely to become a camera man.”44

Meanwhile, Black Cat Films screened a double program on May 11 and 18, 1928, at the Omnia-Pathé movie theater of Paris. It included the films “Poupée de Vienne (The Vienna Doll) and “Le martyre d’un people.”45 The headquarters of this production and distribution company were in the 10th arrondissement of Paris, an area densely populated by Armenians; it had moved from 44 Rue de l’Échiquier to the second floor of 5 Rue des Petites-Écuries on Sept. 15, 1926.46 Its directors were Messrs. Desmet and Malbrancke, who had established a solid reputation and represented six production companies, including Black Cat Films.47 It was listed at the same address in 1931 together with other French producers, renters, distributors, and agents.48

However, in the same way that the plot and location of “The Despoiler” had changed from the United States to France, the plot and the location of “Le martyre d’un people” would change within France, as the commentary of Les Spectacles reflected. The Armenians were replaced by the Balkanic peoples in the Paris screenings:

“We are here in a grandiose evocation of the troubling times when the Balkanic people fought each other to the profit of the third neighbor, who meanwhile grabbed the wealth of the warring people.

“We attend in this Martyre d’un peuple to the massacres that, regrettably, bloodied Eastern Europe towards the middle of the world war. These are authentic documents patiently collected or sometimes reconstituted following the reports of the embassies.

“One has to see this poignant misery, the torments that endure an entire hungry people, dying from thirst, whose residences are robbed, women are kidnapped, and young girls are ignominiously tortured amid the storm, while the little children sow their bodies along the tough road of exile and slavery.

“All the episodes of this vivid tragedy are found in this production of a shocking realism, which the Black Cat Film may feel proud of having in order to show to the people who want peace all unknown horrors that happened in faraway countries, where it seems that civilization should plant less ferments of hate and more happiness for people of good will.”49

Here we have a puzzle. Accepting that Setian had watched “Le martyre d’un people” as an Armenian-related production in 1925, we find that it was turned into a non-Armenian movie in 1928 and, a few months later, it became an Armenian-themed movie once again. The newspaper Aztag of Beirut in January 1929 informed of the screening of «Մարտիրոս ժողովուրդ մը» (Martiros zhoghovurd me, A Martyr People) at the movie theater El Dorado of Marseilles, based on the testimonies of James Bryce and Henry Morgenthau, and “according to the witness testimonies of an Armenian woman who survived the deportations.” The short report noted the absence of identification of both executioners and victims.50 Abaka, another Armenian newspaper based in Paris, wrote in February 1929, probably after another screening, that the film “was a martyrdom, a cumulated and enriched combination of terrible scenes taken from a Life of the Saints or a Synaxarion. It was a true suffering for an Armenian to be present, and a foreigner would have thought how a people allowed such savagery to be enacted over themselves, their women, and children.”51

Yervant Setian, known by the nickname Ciné Seto, went on to film several documentaries related to Armenian community life in France during the 1930’s, including “Faces of Armenian Scientists,” “Memorial of Armenia,” the consecration of the Armenian church of Marseilles, the burial of ARF intellectual Mikayel Varandian, the departure of 800 repatriates to Armenia, and others.52 The silent film era was already history when he stumbled upon a copy of “Le martyre d’un people”: “I used to attend the cine-photo exhibition of Paris held in February every year, and in 1938 as usual I was there. After visiting the exhibition I went to George Miller’s film company. He welcomed me warmly and said: Mr. Setian, I have to inform you about an interesting film dedicated to Armenian life, or to be more accurate to the 1915 Armenian tragedy. I believe you’ve seen it, it’s called ‘Martyrdom of a Nation’ and was shot in England.

I told Miller I had seen it in 1925 and asked him to give me a special viewing. The lights went down and I saw the scenes I had seen several years ago. After the show Miller told me that he had come across the film while putting the old film library in order. He had remembered me. George mentioned the price which was quite a big sum for those years, but you could not bargain with Miller. I did not possess the required amount so I told him I’d buy it in a few days’ time. This treasure could not be lost. I borrowed the money from a Parisian friend of mine and after two days I was with George again. He told me he didn’t have a license to release the film and so it could be shown only in close circles with special invitations. He advised me to take a 16 mm copy from the 35 mm one, to change the title and make some changes in the structure of the film itself. I thanked George and asked him to give me a brochure of the film. A week later he handed me a photocopy of a brochure from the archives, on the front page of which one could see the emblem of the British ‘Black Cat’ Film Studios, then read the following: ‘Martyrdom of a Nation – the greatest tragedy in history,’ and beneath it, ‘This film is shown on the documentary evidence of Eliza Kreterian, one of the survivors of the tragedy of a hundred thousand Armenian girls, as well as on the testimony of Reverend Father Rouben and 1st Viscount James Bryce of England.’ The inside pages contained four stills from the film. Neither the director nor the camera man’s name were mentioned. On the last page only the emblem of the film studio was printed.”53

The Armenian original of the article gave the correct translation of the French original film title («Մի ժողովրդի մարտիրոսութիւնը», The Martyrdom of a People). Nowhere does Setian give any indication of having changed either the title or the structure of the film, as Miller had advised him, or having showed it in France. The war and the German occupation probably prevented him.

Mirzoyan’s article in Sovetakan Hayastan included a picture of the front page of the French brochure, missing from the English translation in Kroonk. The explanatory note beneath the logo of Black Cat Films shows some significant differences with the English-mediated translation, starting from the name of the purported narrator of the story. Most likely, Setian provided a paraphrase in Armenian rather than a textual translation. The short description spells the name of the narrator differently, claims that she was the only survivor of a wholesale massacre of young women (without identifying their nationality), and mentions an additional source:

LE MARTYRE D’UN PEUPLE

LA PLUS GRANDE TRAGÉDIE DE L’HISTOIRE

Reconstituée d’après les récits de Mlle. Elise Grayterian, seule rescapée des cent mille jeunes femmes massacrées, par les comptes rendus de Vicomte BRYCE, par les documents des Missions et par le rapport du Réverend Père RUPEN.

Or,

The Martyrdom of a People

The Greatest Tragedy of History

Reconstituted after the accounts of Miss Elise Grayterian, the only survivor of a hundred thousand massacred young women, through the reports of Viscount Bryce, the documents of the Missions, and the report of Reverend Father Rupen.”54

Miller’s statement that the movie had been filmed in Great Britain made Setian think that Bryce had thrown his influence behind the shooting of the film: “Beyond doubt, only through the efforts of a great and influential statesman could the film studio consent to shoot such a film, which is indeed of paramount importance for us as it is made by a foreign company, a representative of Great Britain at that! But alas, it was too soon withdrawn from the market for which two explanations only could be made; either the studio received a great amount of money from the Turks to destroy all copies of the film, or British Diplomatic Circles ordered its withdrawal. I was glad, however, to be able to save one copy of it and bring it safely to Soviet Armenia.”

Mirzoyan concluded: “Yervant Setian, together with other French-Armenian emigrants, repatriated to Soviet Armenia in 1947. Bringing this and other films to the Motherland, he handed them over to the Yerevan cinedocumentary archives.”55

The discovery of ‘Ravished Armenia’

The year 1988 saw a national awakening with the beginning of the Nagorno-Karabagh movement. Very few people had watched a two-part film that was said to contain documental images of the genocide. The only copy was in the Film Archive of Yerevan, located in the suburban area of the city.

Film scholar Vladimir Badasyan watched the film in 1988 and wrote about it three years later. For unknown reasons, he identified the 20-minute long film as Der Zor, the name of the Syrian desert that had become the ultimate Armenian slaughterhouse. Much of the available information was hearsay: “They say that it is a film of four to six hours of duration. I have to say that I barely believe it. Moreover, I do not discard that we have the entire film, perhaps with some loss of frames. But I have to say that very few claim that what is represented has a documentary nature. I think that even the eye of the non-specialist will realize that most of the scenes are performed.”56 Following Setian’s claim, Mirzoyan had written that the film “combined documentary footage with the testimonies of witnesses who had survived the genocide.”57

It was believed that the film had been shot in the first half of the 1920’s, wrote Badasyan (he gave the date 1926 in the title), and that it was based on the recollections of the young girl seen at the end hanging from a cross; the still was printed along with the article. Setian had spoken about himself and the film in Ara Mnatsakanyan’s 10-minute “Yervand Setyan, 82nd Spring,” released by Hayk Documentary Film Studio in 1988, but without giving further details.58

In 1947, after his arrival to Yerevan, the cameraman had followed Miller’s advice and made a film montage of “Le martyre d’un people with war footage. Bakhchinyan has quoted two flyers of this newfangled movie, which we assume the cameraman himself wrote—the language is in Western Armenian—and probably circulated among the repatriates; it stated sensitive issues for those times: the film “had been brought out thanks to American Ambassador Mr. Morgenthau and Viscount Bryce of England,” while it also included “the promises of the Allies and the history of the boundaries of Armenia.” Such statements were safe in the period between 1945 and 1947, when the Soviet Union had briefly affirmed its claims towards territories of Western Armenia, now in Turkey. The national awakening of the 1960’s allowed the making of Soviet Armenian TV films about the genocide, which made use of the surviving scenes, the same as Artavazd Peleshyan’s critically acclaimed film-essay, “We” (1967).59

The article in Sovetakan Hayastan makes crystal-clear that Setian never suspected the actual identity of the film he had purchased in France. On the other hand, Badasyan had rightfully noticed that the film was not a documentary. “Le martyre d’un people was the retitled copy of “Ravished Armenia” and “Elise Grayterian” was Aurora Mardiganian. One may only speculate whether this reconversion was done in England, where the film had been censored and released with cuts in 1920.60

An Armenian from the other side of the world would solve the puzzle. Born in Bucharest, Romania, Eduardo Kozanlian migrated to Argentina in 1952, at the age of five, following the Communist takeover. He found a copy of Aurora Mardiganian’s Spanish book in his father’s library when he was a high school student, at the age of 13 or 14, and was enthralled by the account. Years later, he started to amass a collection of materials related to the book, the film, and their heroine.

He would strike gold during a trip to Armenia in 1994. An academic recommended that he speak with the director of the Film Archive. There he came across the film that Badasyan had identified as “Der Zor,” but the opening frame was different. It showed the date “1915” and the title, in Soviet Armenan spelling, “Հայ ժողովրդի ամենամեծ ողբերգությունը” (Hay zhoghovrdi amenametz voghberkutyune, The Greatest Tragedy of the Armenian People). Setian had apparently merged the original “The Martyrdom of a People” and the description “The Greatest Tragedy of History” of the French brochure.

The first two and half minutes and the last 55” did not belong to the original. Kozanlian compared the remaining 14 minutes with the stills he knew and identified it as part of “Ravished Armenia.” The harrowing scene at the end corresponded to the picture published in the Argentinean newspapers of 1920. The coincidence of this scene with Aurora Mardiganian’s reference to crucifixion in the book—an American sanitized version of actual impalement, as she told Slide61—was a solid confirmation that the segments belonged to the movie, as hers was, as far as we can ascertain, the only such testimony in the extensive bibliography of survivor memoirs.

It turned out that the end of Setian’s story about “Le martyre d’un people was not what it looked like. His departure from France had actually written a new and fateful chapter in the odyssey of the unrecognized copy of “Ravished Armenia,” as Kozanlian found out when he paid a visit to the 87-year-old former cameraman, who lived with his wife and two children and passed away on Jan. 26, 1997. He told his visitor: “I think that the Istanbul government paid the film production company to burn all the negatives. My rolls were the only remainders. Only this fragment has been conserved.”62

The film had come with him, but never arrived in Yerevan. Kozanlian gave the following version of its fate in an interview during another trip to Armenia in 1999: “When Setian came to Armenia in 1947, he also tried to bring his films. The security service confiscated the cargo in Batum and did not return it.”63 In the same way that religious literature was systematically confiscated, the feared Ministry of State Security (MGB, grandfather of the KGB) would have hardly allowed any politically sensitive material to enter the country.

In an ironic twist of fate, the all but forgotten protagonist of this decades-long search, Aurora Mardiganian, passed away in 1994, the year of the film’s discovery, without even the consolation of seeing a happy end to her tragic story. Two years after her death, Matilde Sánchez, a journalist of Clarín, the most widely read newspaper of Argentina, wrote a three-page essay on the film and its discovery, using materials provided by Kozanlian, as part of a lengthy discussion of the genocide. She noted that oblivion had covered Mardiganian’s trail, and her final paragraph reflected the lack of information at the time about her life after the film: “The journalist admits to being unaware of the actual whereabouts of the exile, who supposedly lived a few years in California, where she had a daughter [sic!] of remarkable similitude to her. But that girl, of course, carried another surname.” Her caveat sounds almost comic when read today: “Unless Aurora was an actress who had loaned her figure for the drama, mounted by the department of Armenian propaganda of the Relief in order to call the attention of American citizens and move the Congress…” Some factual mistakes appeared: The article claimed that Setian had actually recognized ‘Auction of Souls’ after watching the film at the time of his purchase, although no source substantiates that, and that the film, together with other cargo, had been robbed in transit from Batum to Yerevan.64 The two claims were included in the summary that historian Barbara J. Merguerian published a few weeks later in the Armenian Mirror-Spectator, which was translated into Armenian in the now defunct Nor Gyank weekly of California.65

The back jacket of the videocassette released in the early 2000’s omitted Kozanlian’s name and added unwarranted claims: “It presumably lost to history until the year 2000 when a researcher in Buenos Aires, South America, who for years had diligently investigated every lead to find the lost reels, came forward with this surviving 15-minute segment. He related the tragic fate of the film in the 1930’s and 1940’s and how the remaining reels of the rare nitrate based film were truly lost, presumably sunk with a ship on their way to the port of Batum.”66 It is clear by now that the segment was not discovered in 2000—perhaps the year when the anonymous publisher “discovered” his/her source—while the hitherto unheard suggestion that the film had been lost in the sea on its way to the Soviet Union (wrongly ascribed to Kozanlian) may be dismissed; this version leaves aside the basic question of how two fragile nitrate reels survived the shipwreck, while the others got lost.67 Nevertheless, the date 2000 is useful as terminus a quo for the release of the video.

A recent study of the Library of Congress revealed that of the 10,919 silent films produced between 1912 and 1929 in the United States, only 3,313 still exist, including incomplete ones. The reasons given are either the complete loss of material value at the onset of the sound movie era (the studios cleared their vaults and eliminated their original source of wealth) or destruction by degradation of materials.68 There seems to be nothing extraordinary in the apparent total loss of “Ravished Armenia”; foul play—Turkish direct or indirect intervention—remains within the boundaries of speculation. “But just as history can be revised and rewritten, so can films be restored, and rediscovered,” Slide had written in 1997. “Perhaps there is still hope of the resurrection of the film version of ‘Ravished Armenia.’”69 Unexpected findings have shaken silent movie buffs in the last years, such as Mary Pickford’s earliest film found in the attic of a barn in New Hampshire (2006);70 a complete copy of Fritz Lang’s Metropolis discovered in the Museo del Cine of Buenos Aires, along with three American and one Soviet silent movie (2008),71 and 75 American silent movies hailing from New Zealand (2009).72 It is not too bizarre to think that the elusive, complete version of “Ravished Armenia”—perhaps with a changed name—could be collecting dust in some forgotten corner of the continental United States, in Wellington, in Buenos Aires, or in some other place in this wide, yet small world. Time lends credence to this view and wings to hope.

 

Sources

1 Anthony Slide (ed.), Ravished Armenia and the Story of Aurora Mardiganian, Lanham (Md.) and London: Scarecrow Press, 1997, p. 17.

2 Special Report of the National Board of Review of Motion Pictures, January 25, 1919 (see the photograph in http://www.genocide-museum.am/eng/online_exhibition_6.php).

3 Mark A. Kalustian, “Ravished Armenia: The Auction of Souls,” The Armenian Mirror-Spectator, Nov. 7, 1987 (see idem, Did You Know That…?: A Collection of Armenian Sketches, Arlington (Mass.): Armenian Culture Foundation, 2004, pp. 140-145).

4 Aurora Mardiganian, Subasta de almas, Buenos Aires: Akian Gráfica Editora, 1999. For the text of the unpublished introduction, see Eduardo Kozanlian, “A propósito del libro ‘Subasta de almas’,” Armenia, May 19, 1999. There are also translations into Western (idem, ‘“Hogineru achurd’ girki masin,” translated by Vartan Matiossian, Haratch, June 24, 1999) and Eastern Armenian (idem, ‘“Hogineri achurd’ grki artiv,” Yerkir, Aug. 19, 2000).

5 Slide, Ravished Armenia and the Story, p. 17.

6 Goldberg had written to Kozanlian on Sept. 14, 1999: “I am writing, per our conversation, in search of permission to use your clip of the film Ravished Armenia starring Aurora Mardiganian. We would like to use your clip in our documentary on Armenian-Americans. (…) We will provide credit to you and any organization you are affiliated with at the end of our program” (Eduardo Kozanlian’s personal files, Buenos Aires).

7 See https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL652B7F8867E55844

8 Aurora Mardiganian, Subasta de almas, Buenos Aires: Arvest Ediciones, 2011. Contents: Aurora Mardiganian, “Subasta de almas”; Artsvi Bakhchinian, “El Genocidio Armenio en el cine,” translated by Vartan Matiossian; Sergio Kniasian, “Un investigador de Argentina descubre el film.”

9 See also Eugene L. Taylor and Abraham D. Krikorian, ‘“Ravished Armenia: Revisited:’ Some Additions to ‘A Brief Assessment of the Ravished Armenia Marquee Poster’,” Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies, 2, 2010, p. 187. I would like to thank Eduardo Kozanlian, Marc Mamigonian, Artsvi Bakhchinyan, and Sergio Kniasian for providing information and sources for the writing of this article.

10 Artsvi Bakhchinyan, Hayere hamashkharhayin kinoyum (Armenians in World Cinema), Yerevan: Publishing House of Museum of Literature and Art, 2003, p. 47. The article mentioned in footnote 8 is a Spanish translation of pages 41-50 of this book.

11 ‘“Ravished Armenia’ in Film,” The New York Times, Feb. 15, 1919.

12 Motion Picture News, July 5, 1919.

13 “Hay gaghtakanutiun” (Armenian Community), Gochnag Hayastani, July 7, 1919, p. 872.

14 For the sake of example, in October 1919 Armin T. Wegner gave lectures in Berlin illustrated with slides of his photographs of the genocide (Sybil Milton, “Armin T. Wegner: Polemicist for Armenian and Jewish Human Rights,” Armenian Review, Winter 1989, p. 24).

15 It refers to the fact that the memoir was serialized in New York American, a morning newspaper published by William Randolph Hearst between 1895 and 1937. In this last year, it merged with his evening newspaper New York Evening Journal to become the New York Journal-American (1937-1966).

16 Vahan Chukasezian, ‘“Ravished Armenia’n” (“Ravished Armenia”), Yeritasard Hayastan, May 14, 1919.

17 Anthony Slide, Early American Cinema, new and revised edition, Lanham (Md.) and London: Scarecrow Press, 1994, p. 214. Mardiganian also appeared in J. Michael Hagopian’s The Armenian Case (1975) and was interviewed as part of the Oral History Project of the Zoryan Institute in the 1980s.

18 Moosheg Vaygouney, class of 1904 of the University of California, lived in Berkeley (“Directory of Older Alumni,” The Journal of Agriculture of the University of California, April 1917, p. 269).

19 Teghekagir Hay Azgayin Miutian Amerikayi 1917-1921 (Report of the Armenian National Union of America 1917-1921) (Boston: Azg-Pahak, 1922), p. 40.

20 Karekin Boyajian, “Der ke shahagortzvi hay pative” (The Armenian Honor is Still Being Exploited), Hairenik, April 26, 1921, quoted in Bakhchinyan, Hayere, p. 49.

21 See Artsvi Bakhchinyan, Armenian Cinema-100: The Early History of Armenian Cinema (1895 to mid-1920s), translated by Vartan Matiossian and Susanna Mkrtchyan, Yerevan: Armenian National Film Academy and Filmmakers’ Union of Armenia, 2012, pp. 143-146.

22 Shushan Avagyan, “Becoming Aurora: Translating the Story of Arshaluys Mardiganian,” Dissidences, vol. 4, iss. 8, article 13 (available at http://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/dissidences/vol4/iss8/13).

23 Slide, Ravished Armenia and the Story, p. 3.

24 The copyright was entered on Dec. 28, 1918 (Catalog of Copyright Entries for the Year 1919, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1919, p. 21).

25 H. L. Gates (editor), Hogineru achurde. Metz Yeghernen veraprogh hayuhi Orora Martikaniani vaverakan patmutiune (Auction of Souls: The Authentic Story of Aurora Mardiganian, an Armenian Woman Survivor of the Medz Yeghern), translated by Mardiros Koushakjian, Beirut: Zartonk Daily, 1965 (previously serialized in the daily Zartonk); Hoshotvatz Hayastan. Ays patmutiune Metz Yeghernits hrashkov prkvatz mi hay aghchka masin e (Ravished Armenia: This Story is about an Armenian Girl Miraculously Saved from the Medz Yeghern), translated by Gurgen Sargsyan, Los Angeles: n. p., 1995. It is noteworthy that both modern translations use the expression Medz Yeghern to translate the “Great Massacres” of the original (“The Christian Girl Who Lived Through the Great Massacres”/ “The Christian Girl Who Survived the Great Massacres”).

26 Armenia arrasada. Subasta de almas. El relato de Aurora Mardiganian, la joven cristiana, superviviente de las terribles matanzas, translated by J. R. López Sena, New York: International Copyright Bureau, 1919.

27 Atrocidades en Armenia. El exterminio de una nación, Edinburgh, London, and New York: Thomas Melson and Sons, n. d. For the date 1916, see Jean Pierre Alem, Armenia, translated by Narciso Binayan, Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1963, p. 118.

28 Fa’iz-el-Ghusein, Armenia sacrificada, London: Oxford University Press, 1918. On this unknown Spanish translation (a microfilm of the book is available at the New York Public Library), see Vartan Matiossian, ‘“Armenia sacrificada’, de Fa’iz el-Ghusein. Un testimonio árabe y su desconocida traducción castellana,” in Nélida Boulgourdjian-Toufeksian, Juan Carlos Toufeksian and Carlos Alemian (eds.), Genocidios del siglo XX y formas de la negación. Actas del III Encuentro sobre Genocidio, Buenos Aires: Centro Armenio, 2002, pp. 277-291.

29 See http://www.genocide-museum.am/eng/online_exhibition_6.php

29 La Nación, Aug. 29, 1920.

31 La Razón, Aug. 31, 1920.

32 “Los principales estrenos locales,” La Nación, Aug. 29, 1920.

33 See the minutes of the Buenos Aires chapter of the Armenian General Benevolent Union, July 21 to Sept. 29, 1926 (in Armenian).

34 Baltasar de Laón, “Las familias armenias evadidas de Constantinopla al entrar en ella las tropas de Kemal bajá llegan a nuestro país,” Caras y Caretas, Feb. 10, 1923, where a photograph illustrated the game.

35 Bakhchinyan, Armenian Cinema-100, pp. 100-101. As a reflect of the Armenian tragedy, The Despoiler was preceded by two Russian feature movies, Bloody Orient (A. Arkadov, released in February 1915) and Under the Kurdish Yoke (a.k.a. The Tragedy of Turkish Armenia, A. I. Minervin, released in October 1915), of which there is no extant copy (idem, Hayere, p. 42).

36 Brian Taves, Thomas Ince: Hollywood’s Independent Pioneer, Lexington (KY): The University Press of Kentucky, 2012, p. 100.

37 See http://www.cinematheque.fr/sites-documentaires/triangle/impression/archives-photos-et-films-les-films-triangle-la-restauration-de-the-despoiler.php

38 Ian Scott, ‘“Don’t Be Frightened Dear … This Is Hollywood’: British Filmmakers in Early American Cinema,” European Journal of American Studies [Online], Special issue 2010, document 5, par. 16.

39 http://www.afi.com/members/catalog/DetailView.aspx?s=1&Movie=13928

40 Henri Diamant-Berger, “Les films à voir,” La Rampe, May 17, 1917.

4[1] “Une date dans l’histoire du cinéma: La production Triangle 1915 1916 1917,” Ciné pour tous, June 3, 1921, pp. 8-10.

42 See http://www.cinematheque.fr/catalogues/restaurations-tirages/film.php?id=111751

43 Marc Vernet, “Vite, mettre en scène un génocide : The Despoiler, Reginald Barker 1915,” Ecrire l’histoire, no. 12, Fall 2013, p. 74 (see http://cinemarchives.hypotheses.org/1533).

44 Gevork Mirzoyan, “A Spirit of Perennial Youth,” Kroonk, 10, 1988, p. 21.

45 “Les présentations prochaines,” Les spectacles, May 11, 1928, p. 12; “Les présentations prochaines,” Les spectacles, May 18, 1928, p. 13.

46 See the advertisement in Cinémagazine, Sept. 10, 1926.

47 “Un choix heureuse,” Les spectacles, Sept. 2, 1927, p. 5.

48 Kinematograph Year Book, London: Kinematograph Publications Ltd., 1931, p. 27.

49 “Les présentations,” Les spectacles, May 25, 1928, p. 2.

50 “Haykakan taragrutiants filme” (The Film of the Armenian Deportations), Aztag, Jan. 19, 1929.

51 Abaka, Feb. 23, 1929, quoted in Bakhchinyan, Hayere, p. 48.

52 Bakhchinyan, Hayere, p. 312.

53 Mirzoyan, “A Spirit,” p. 22.

54 Gevorg Mirzoyan, “Vogin chi tzeranum” (The Spirit Does Not Grow Old), Sovetakan Hayastan monthly, 10, 1988, p. 34. The identity of “Reverend Father Rupen” remains undisclosed.

55 Mirzoyan, “A Spirit,” p. 23.

56 Vladimir Badasyan, “Der Zor (1926 t.)” (Der Zor, 1926), Kino, 8, 1991.

57 Mirzoyan, “A Spirit,” p. 23.

58 Badasyan, “Der Zor.”

59 Bakhchinyan, Hayeri, p. 48.

60 “British Drop Film Ban,” The New York Times, Jan. 21, 1920.

61 Slide (ed.), Ravished Armenia and the Story, p. 6.

62 Matilde Sánchez, “Imágenes mudas de Armenia,” Clarín, April 21, 1996. See Eduardo Kozanlian, “Los ojos de Cine Seto,Armenia, Oct. 14, 1998 for a biographical outline of Setian and a personal memoir.

63 Artsvi Bakhchinyan, “Hartsazruyts Eduardo Gozanliani het” (Interview with Eduardo Kozanlian), Yeter, Nov. 17, 1999.

64 Sánchez, “Imágenes mudas.” For a brief reference to the discovery of the film, see Narciso Binayan Carmona, Entre el pasado y el futuro: los armenios en la Argentina, Buenos Aires: n. p., 1997, p. 284.

65 See Barbara J. Merguerian, ‘“Ravished Armenia’ Revisited,” The Armenian Mirror-Spectator, June 1, 1996 (Armenian translation: idem, “Ravished Armenia,” Nor Gyank, July 18, 1996).

66 For a picture of the jacket and a short discussion of the VHS and the DVD, see Taylor and Krikorian, ‘“Ravished Armenia: Revisited,” pp. 187-189, to whom we owe the identification of the music’s author. It is unclear whether the DVD used the VHS or one of Kozanlian’s copies as raw material.

67 See also the online exhibition about Ravished Armenia by the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute of Armenia, uploaded in 2009, which acknowledges Kozanlian’s role (http://www.genocide-museum.am/eng/online_exhibition_6.php).

68 Nick Allen, “Thousands of silent Hollywood films ‘lost forever,’ The Telegraph, December 5, 2013.

69 Slide, Ravished Armenia, p. 17.

70 Holly Ramer, “Mary Pickford Film ‘Their First Understanding’ Found in Barn Is Restored,” Huffington Post, Sept. 24, 2013,

71 Larry Rohter, “Footage Restored to Fritz Lang’s ‘Metropolis,’” The New York Times, May 5, 2010.

72 Dave Kehr, “Long-Lost Silent Films Return to America,” The New York Times, June 7, 2010.

 

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An Encounter with Djemal Pasha

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Special for the Armenian Weekly

By Missak Vassilian
Translated by Jennifer Manoukian

The following is the account of a 16-year-old Armenian boy’s unexpected encounter with Djemal Pasha, a member of the the Ittihadist triumvirate of WWI, in December 1917. It was given to me by his son, Asbed Vassilian, who sees in this brief exchange a larger story about the resilience and perseverance of the Armenian people.

Djemal Pasha in his car

Djemal Pasha (on the back seat)

In 1915, the benevolent Turkish government, in its monstrous plan, did not spare the faculty and students at the Kelegian orphanage in Chork-Marzban (Dortyol), but instead deported them under the guise of a brief excursion. I think a Turkish unit from Adana came specifically to organize the deportation. A handful of students were reunited with their parents, and some of the older students were sent to the Dar-el-Eytem Turkish orphanage in Adana. According to the information we received, barely a few months after arriving at the orphanage, those boys were sent to the deserts of Meskiné and Der-Zor. Finally, around 20 boys, including myself, were transferred to a German orphanage in the village of Harni. After about two years of studying German, Turkish, and other subjects, the German orphanage suffered a severe financial crisis; they used to give us bread made with barley flour that had not been sifted, and even this was difficult for them to secure. During this period of financial crisis, a couple of German officers came to the orphanage and met with the administration. A few days after the officers left, around 20 students who had been studying German for 2 years were assigned to work as translators at the German military’s station in Ayran. The purpose of that military facility was to oversee the train traffic on the narrow rail lines (around 60 centimeters wide) that ran from the station in Ayran to a station called Incirlik, where two wider rail lines converged.

Kelekian orphans (Via AGBU Flickr)

Kelekian orphange (Via AGBU Flickr)

Around this time, some friends and I went for a stroll around the market dressed in our school uniforms. That day, two Turkish policemen arrested us and brought us to their guardhouse. One of my friends fled and informed the Germans of our arrest. A low-ranking officer and a German soldier soon arrived at the guardhouse. The Turkish policemen who had arrested us fled without saying a word. The officer then asked us why we did not say that we worked for the German military. We said that we had told them, but that they had ignored it and brought us to the guardhouse anyway.

After this incident, they fitted us for German soldiers’ uniforms and turned us into military personnel, so that a similar event would not happen again. After the wide rail lines between the Ayran and Incirlik stations were joined, we moved with the entire military corps to a station called Kelebek. There was work to be done to complete the joining of the rail lines between Kelebek and Belemedik. At the station in Kelebek, they housed us in a wooden room in what they called the barracks. It was one of the nicer Turkish barracks.

Although it was still winter, that day at the end of 1917 was as sunny as a spring day. Barely a few steps away from where we lived, nearly all the Turkish officers at that station were lined up. Djemal Pasha had come from Damascus to meet the officers on his way back to Constantinople. Curious to see him, some friends and I sat down in front of the barracks, swinging our feet as we waited. Barely 15 minutes had passed before they announced that he had arrived. He got out of his special car, dressed in a short coat and flanked by two bodyguards, and joined the officers a few steps away from us. After the major met Djemal Pasha, he began to introduce the officers. He had barely introduced the first officer when the pasha, pointing at us, asked him who the kids were who were swinging their feet. The major replied angrily:

Paşa hazretleri, bunlar Alman askiar elbisesi giymiş Ermeni çocuklardır. Almanlar bunları tohumluk saklıyorlar.” [“Your Excellency, those are Armenian kids dressed as German soldiers. The Germans are keeping them as seeds for the future.”]

Djemal Pasha

Djemal Pasha

The pasha immediately asked him to bring one of the boys over. Since I was the closest, the major called me over. I approached the pasha and greeted him. The pasha asked if I was a soldier. I said that all of us were, as if he could not have guessed from our uniforms. He asked what kind of soldiers we were, and I said that we were German soldiers. Then, he asked how we became soldiers. I said that we were transferred to the German orphanage in Harni from the Kelegian orphanage in Chork-Marzban (Dortyol), and that after studying Turkish and German for two years, they assigned us to be translators for the German military. After listening to what I had said, the pasha shook his head slowly, and said:

Acayip! Demek ki Dörtyol Kelegian mektebinden sürgün oldunuz. İki sene Almanca öğrendiniz ve Alman ordusunda askiar tercümen oldunuz. Hey Türklük, bu milleti mahvedemezsiniz ve bu millet mahvolmaz. Yürü, kuzum.” [How strange! This means that you were all deported from the Kelegian orphanage in Dortyol, studied German for two years and became translators in the German army. Oh Turkish people, you cannot destroy this nation and this nation will not be annihilated. Go on, my son, go.”]

And I went on my way.

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Boston Mulls Centennial after Statehouse Observance

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Special for the Armenian Weekly

BOSTON, Mass.—No sooner had the final prayers been uttered and closing remarks given by State Rep. Jonathan Hecht that the crowd of 400 spectators gathered for a reception in the Massachusetts Statehouse on April 11.

Students of St. Stephen's Armenian Elementary School and Armenian Sisters’ Academy sing the U.S. and Armenian National Anthems. (Photo by Tom Vartabedian)

Students of St. Stephen’s Armenian Elementary School and Armenian Sisters’ Academy sing the U.S. and Armenian National Anthems. (Photo by Tom Vartabedian)

The 99th observance was now history and the crowd couldn’t have seen a more worthy homage to the Armenian Genocide.

They applauded Governor Deval L. Patrick in his rather eclectic tribute to Armenians throughout the Commonwealth, especially with the Heritage Park Project along the Rose Kennedy Greenway. The governor was a strong proponent of the project.

“You’ve helped me during my constituency and I’m here for you,” he told the crowd, mindful of his last term in office.

The crowd joined with the governor in remembering the Boston Marathon bombing that left the region in a state of gloom last April, canceling the observance and leaving both Boston and Watertown in turmoil.

California Attorney Mark Garagos delivering his remarks. (Photo by Tom Vartabedian)

California Attorney Mark Garagos delivering his remarks. (Photo by Tom Vartabedian)

They heard California Attorney Mark Geragos talk at length about restitution and reparations in Turkey and the various lawsuits he’s pursuing throughout the community.

They saw children from St. Stephen’s Elementary School and Armenian Sisters’ Academy hold up genocide photos, the brainchild of Northeastern University activist Anahis Kechejian with her “Stand Up for Your Survivor” mission. And the 50 Homenetmen Scouts who held their place of honor, serving as flag-bearers and guides. They appeared prim and proper in their khaki uniforms.

The audience embraced three survivors in attendance and acknowledged representatives from other persecuted countries like Rwanda and China, eloquently presented by Middlesex County Sheriff Peter J. Koutoujian.

A big roar of approval went to the 25 students from Wilmington High School and their instructors Lisa Joe Desberg and Maura Tucker for promoting genocide and human rights studies through the Armenian Genocide Education Committee of Merrimack Valley and Facing History and Ourselves. Projects included letters to Congressional leaders, essays for the Knights of Vartan, and even an Armenian symphony that was debuted locally.

The students began their morning at Heritage Park, then trekked their way to the Statehouse where they were warmly received.

The audience heard House Speaker Robert A. DeLeo talk about the number of Armenians who have entered public office, along with those like Hecht and Sen. William N. Brownsberger who are always seeking justice with their lawful pursuits.

Wilmington High School students are recognized for promoting genocide/human rights education through the Armenian Genocide Education Committee of Merrimack Valley and Facing History and Ourselves.

Wilmington High School students are recognized for promoting genocide/human rights education through the Armenian Genocide Education Committee of Merrimack Valley and Facing History and Ourselves.

The memory of Very Rev. Father Raphael Andonian reverberated throughout the room. The beloved cleric was a popular figure at these commemorations. He was laid to rest that very evening at Holy Cross Church in Belmont. The mere mention of his name left Koutoujian and others choked with emotion.

Middlesex County Sheriff Peter J. Koutoujian poses with Homenetmen scouts who participated in the observance. (Photo by Tom Vartabedian)

Middlesex County Sheriff Peter J. Koutoujian poses with Homenetmen scouts who participated in the observance. (Photo by Tom Vartabedian)

Rep. Jonathan Hecht offers remarks as master of ceremonies. (Photo by Tom Vartabedian)

Rep. Jonathan Hecht offers remarks as master of ceremonies. (Photo by Tom Vartabedian)

Donald J. Tellalian, the architect for the Heritage Park, was more than generous in his praise for Boston and the leadership that cultivated this monument.

A crowd of 400 packed the Statehouse chambers to the gills, leaving many on their feet for the 90-minute duration.

“Figure on thousands turning out for the 100th anniversary,” said the Kechejians (Linda and Steve). “No doubt, you would need a much larger setting for Boston.”

Thoughts of the TD Garden Center (old Boston Garden) were suggested by many; it’s site of the Boston Bruins, Celtics, university commencements, and other large events.

Another potential spot is Symphony Hall, bringing into play the FACS (Friends of Armenian Culture Society) genre that organizes Armenian Night at the Pops each June, and moving that event back a couple months.

At least two recommendations called for a more unified approach, jettisoning people to New York and Washington by bus and leaving the local commemorations to the respective churches on a smaller scale.

“A celebration, not a moment of mourning,” recommended Milka Jeknavorian. “To highlight the fact we’ve survived and endured over the past 100 years. Let us showcase our accomplishments.”

Middlesex County Sheriff Peter L. Koutoujian ponders a point. (Photo by Tom Vartabedian)

Middlesex County Sheriff Peter L. Koutoujian ponders a point. (Photo by Tom Vartabedian)

Still another suggestion was to rally the crowd around Heritage Park, moving the venue entirely outdoors and holding a reception at one of the nearby hotels, much like the unveiling two years ago.

Special praise went to Lalig Musserian and her committee for their work in planning this observance after a year’s absence.

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Only a Handful of Survivors Left as 100th Anniversary Approaches

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On a recent warm spring afternoon, Azniv Guiragossian sat quietly in a wheelchair between her daughter Arpi and son Shahen in the living room of the New York Armenian Home in Flushing, Queens. Dressed in a patterned blouse and a long black skirt, her tinsel-colored hair tied back in a braid, Azniv turned to her son and graced his cheek with her red painted nails as she whispered, “How lucky you are that you were raised by your mother.”

Azniv Guiragossian with her children Arpi Nardone and Shahen Guiragossian at the New York Armenian Home

Azniv Guiragossian with her children Arpi Nardone and Shahen Guiragossian at the New York Armenian Home

Although the words, spoken in Armenian, were made as an impromptu remark from a mother to a son, that simple phrase portrayed the she still ache feels as a genocide survivor, a pain that has lasted almost a century.

Only one years old when she lost both of her parents, her father’s death resulting from the shock of a death sentence and her mother’s demise on the marches through Der Zor, Azniv was kidnapped by a Turkish family until her relatives were able to find her. Unable to care for her, however, they placed her and her sister in an orphanage in Aleppo, Syria.

“She never had her mother’s love,” said Arpi. “She was starving for her love.”

“She would always say how hungry and cold she was,” added Shahen.

Through an arranged marriage, Azniv married an Armenian choral director and teacher who later became a priest. Following a move to Beirut, the family of six settled in New York City in 1950.

“My life was very bad,” said Azniv, 99, who was born in Urfa. “I was on the streets. But I stayed strong.”

Perouz Kalousdian is another Armenian Genocide survivor who was robbed of a childhood. She saw the destruction of her family at a young age when Turkish soldiers tied the males in her family two by two and threw them into the Euphrates River.

“They took my family,” said Perouz, born in 1909 in Harput. “They separated us and took them away. I never saw them again.”

Perouz, six years old at the time, recalls being carried on her mother’s back during the death marches. Surviving the deportations, she and her mother reached Aleppo, where they stayed before leaving for the United States. There they reunited with her father, who had fled the genocide.

A third survivor who resides at the Armenian Home is Arsalos Dadir, who was born in 1913 in Shabin Karahisar. Her father and uncle were killed by the Young Turks, along with others in their village who were tied up and shot. She remembers seeing hundreds of bodies piled on top of one another. Her family lost all of their wealth and land, but was able to settle in Constantinople where Arsalos married and raised two children, moving to the U.S. later in life.

Armenian Genocide survivors Perouz Kalousdian and Azniv Guiragossian, holding copies of ‘The National Geographic Magazine on Armenia and Armenians 1915-1919,’ and Hasan Cemal’s book ‘1915: Armenian Genocide.’

Armenian Genocide survivors Perouz Kalousdian and Azniv Guiragossian, holding copies of ‘The National Geographic Magazine on Armenia and Armenians 1915-1919,’ and Hasan Cemal’s book ‘1915: Armenian Genocide.’

The New York Armenian Home, founded by Sarah Sanossian in 1948, has long served as a residence for survivors of the Armenian Genocide. An Armenian-only, private, non-funded home for the elderly, led by Executive Director Aggie Ellian, it provides around-the-clock care for residents in a culturally rich setting. The Armenian Home is the annual setting for the Armenian Genocide Media Day, organized by the Knights of Vartan, where local Armenian and non-Armenian media interview and record survivors accounts and testimonies from the genocide.

The 99th anniversary commemoration of the Armenian Genocide, sponsored by the Knights and Daughters of Vartan, will be held in Times Square (43rd St. and Broadway) on Sun., April 27, from 2-4 p.m.

The post Only a Handful of Survivors Left as 100th Anniversary Approaches appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Hairenik, Weekly Celebrate Anniversaries in New Jersey

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ALPINE, N.J.—Mr. and Mrs. Vahe and Shaké Nahapetian hosted a banquet celebrating the 115th anniversary of Hairenik and the 80th anniversary of the Armenian Weekly.

A scene from the event (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

A scene from the event (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

Novelist Chris Bohjalian was the keynote speaker of the evening. (Photo by Zohrab Tazian)

Novelist Chris Bohjalian was the keynote speaker of the evening. (Photo by Zohrab Tazian)

ARF Bureau member Hagop Der Khatchadourian, members of the ARF Central Committees of Canada, the Western U.S. and Eastern U.S., editors of Asbarez, Apo Boghigian, and Asbarez English edition, Ara Khachatourian, and some 90 community leaders and activists attended the event.

“I have grown so dependent upon–and appreciative of–the Weekly,” novelist Chris Bohjalian, the keynote speaker of the evening, said. “We need the Weekly, because week after week it helps us understand the fiscal and political realities of the small swatch of earth that today is our homeland, while informing us of the challenges we face in terms of Genocide recognition and cultural resurrection,” he added.

“So I thank everyone here who is a part of the Hairenik family. I celebrate what you have accomplished and what you will do. Thank

ARF Eastern USA Central Committee member Antranig Kasbarian (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

ARF Eastern USA Central Committee member Antranig Kasbarian (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

you so much for championing day-in and day-out what words and reading and stories (Our stories!) can mean to the soul,” Bohjalian concluded.

The master of ceremonies of the evening was Dr. Herand Markarian. Brief comments were offered by Hagop Der Khatchadourian, ARF Eastern Region Central Committee

The master of ceremonies of the evening, Dr. Herand Markarian (Photo by Zohrab Tazian)

The master of ceremonies of the evening, Dr. Herand Markarian (Photo by Zohrab Tazian)

member Antranig Kasbarian, editor of the Hairenik Weekly Zaven Torigian, editor of the Armenian Weekly Khatchig Mouradian.

In his remarks, Mouradian announced that beginning in September 2014, Nanore Barsoumian, currently assistant editor of the Armenian Weekly, will assume the newspaper’s editorship.

Hairenik Weekly Editor Zaven Torigian (Photo by Zohrab Tazian)

Hairenik Weekly Editor Zaven Torigian (Photo by Zohrab Tazian)

Hairenik’s most recent publication, Voices from the Past, translated and edited by Vahe Habeshian, was launched during the evening. Those in attendance received copies of the book.

Pianist Kariné Poghosyan dazzled the audience with her performance.

On behalf of the organizing committee, Sona Bezdigian thanked the attendees for their support.

More than $40,000 was raised during the banquet, $10,000 of which was generously donated by Mr. and Mrs. Nazar and Ardemis Nazarian.

A series of events and banquets celebrating the anniversaries of the newspapers will be held during the year. The next banquet will be hosted by Arpy Seferian in Chicago on May 17.

 

Armenian Weekly Editor Khatchig Mouradian (photo by Aaron Spagnolo)

Armenian Weekly Editor Khatchig Mouradian (photo by Aaron Spagnolo)

Mr. and Mrs. Vahe and Shaké Nahapetian with members of the organizing committee (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

Mr. and Mrs. Vahe and Shaké Nahapetian with members of the organizing committee (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

Dr. Raffi Hovannesian, Alex Sarafian, and ARF Bureau member Hagop Der Khatchadourian (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

Dr. Raffi Hovannesian, Alex Sarafian, and ARF Bureau member Hagop Der Khatchadourian (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

Pianist Kariné Poghosyan dazzles the audience with her performance. (Photo by Zohrab Tazian)

Pianist Kariné Poghosyan dazzles the audience with her performance. (Photo by Zohrab Tazian)

(L-R) Shaké Nahapetian, former ARF Eastern USA Central Committee Chairperson Zohrab Tazian, and Kariné Poghosyan

(L-R) Shaké Nahapetian, former ARF Eastern USA Central Committee Chairperson Zohrab Tazian, and Kariné Poghosyan

(L-R) Armenian Weekly assistant editor Nanore Barsoumian, Aaron Spagnolo, ARF Eastern USA Central Committee Chairman Richard Sarajian, and ARF Eastern USA Central Committee member Ari Killian (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

(L-R) Armenian Weekly assistant editor Nanore Barsoumian, Aaron Spagnolo, ARF Eastern USA Central Committee Chairman Richard Sarajian, and ARF Eastern USA Central Committee member Ari Killian (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

(L-R) Ardemis Nazarian, Shaké Nahapetian , and Nazar Nazarian (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

(L-R) Ardemis Nazarian, Shaké Nahapetian , and Nazar Nazarian (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

(L-R) Chris Bohjalian, Shaké Nahapetian , Zohrab Tazian, and Rev. Father Hovnan Bozoian, pastor of Sts. Vartanantz Armenian Apostolic Church in Ridgefield, N.J. (photo by Zohrab Tazian)

(L-R) Chris Bohjalian, Shaké Nahapetian , Zohrab Tazian, and Rev. Father Hovnan Bozoian, pastor of Sts. Vartanantz Armenian Apostolic Church in Ridgefield, N.J.

Chris Bohjalian, Kariné Poghosyan, and Khatchig Mouradian

Chris Bohjalian, Kariné Poghosyan, and Khatchig Mouradian

A scene from the event (photo by Aaron Spagnolo)

A scene from the event (photo by Aaron Spagnolo)

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ARF Will Not Take Part in New Government

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YEREVAN—The Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) will not take part in the government of Hovig Abrahamian. This decision was announced in a statement issued by the ARF Supreme Council of Armenia, ahead of its biennial regional meeting, known as the Supreme Convention, which is scheduled to begin today (April 18).

The ARF Supreme Council said that given its complete responsibility and accountability for the party’s policies during its tenure, the body deemed it important to convey its positions regarding the current situation in Armenia prior to the start of the party’s Supreme Convention.

“Today, the Republic of Armenia is facing complex domestic and foreign challenges. As a result of the socio-economic policies of the government a significant portion of the population has lost confidence in the future and is demanding fundamental reforms. We are convinced that these issues can be resolved by creating an atmosphere of peaceful coexistence by uniting the social and political forces,” said the ARF in the statement.

“The Armenian Revolutionary Federation has formulated its vision of radical reforms to create a new system of governance, as has been articulated through a seven point political and economic plan. We are confident that the step-by-step yet complete realization of those points will bring the country out of this severe situation and will guarantee the citizens free and prosperous life. We will continue to demand the implementation of our program while aspiring to bring together a wide cross section of the population and political forces,” explained the statement.

The statement noted that the ARF has decided:

1. To not take part in the new government;

2. To monitor the government’s actions and activities and base our approach and cooperation with them on its implementation of our proposed program;

3. To continue to work in the opposition field by on the one had aspire to bring together popular and political forces under our national values and our proposed solutions, while on the other hand help avoid instability in the country.

“Our goal is and has been to strengthen Armenia’s statehood and to ensure a decent and prosperous life for our citizens,” explained the statement.

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The Hippocratic Oath of a Syrian-Armenian Doctor

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Special for the Armenian Weekly

“After March 2011, it was clear that Syria was no longer an option,” said Dr. Karnig Jozigian, as we sat down for coffee in Stepanakert.

The United Nations World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that at least 50 percent of hospitals in Syria have been destroyed or severely damaged, while more than 15,000 physicians have fled the conflict and found refuge elsewhere.

Karnig Jozigian inspecting the medicine donated by the ARF's Help Your Brother Initiative.

Karnig Jozigian inspecting the medicine donated by the ARF’s Help Your Brother Initiative.

While Jozigian is not practicing medicine in the ghost city of Aleppo, he is adhering to the Hippocratic Oath by serving the people of another conflict zone: Artsakh (Nagorno Karabagh Republic).

In 2001, he went to Armenia to study medicine at the Yerevan State Medical University. After completing six years of education and two years of medical residency in the field of internal medicine, he briefly returned to Aleppo and completed a three-month medical training program there.

At that time, the medical sector in Syria had far more to offer than the one in Armenia. Nonetheless, guided by an inherent sense of obligation to serve the Armenian nation, and his profound love for Datevig, he returned to Armenia. Jozigian had met Datevig, a pianist from Dilijan, while they were both university students in Yerevan. By 2011, the couple was married and living in Dilijan, where Jozigian worked at the newly-established Dilijan Medical Center.

“In the summer of 2012, when Syrian Armenians started migrating to Armenia, the Republic of Armenia government announced that doctors were needed in the Independent State of Artsakh,” he said. “After receiving positive feedback from the [Armenian] Ministry of Diaspora, I visited Artsakh for the first time in my life.” During this scouting mission, he met with officials from the Ministry of Health in Stepanakert, the capital of Artsakh, as well as with the local Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) leaders. He was informed that doctors were needed in three primary locations: Lachin, Kalbajar, and Vank.

“It was love at first sight. The second I saw the mountains of Artsakh, I knew I wanted to live here,” Jozigian said.

He and his wife have been living in Vank (near the Kantsasar Monastery) for the past nine months. For the time being, they are living in one of the rooms in the hospital, while they wait to receive funds from the state to renovate their government-designated home. With assistance from the government, Datevig found a job as a piano instructor at the local school of art.

“The medical sector in Artsakh is dreadful. The vast majority of the doctors who return from Yerevan with a medical degree choose to practice in Stepanakert rather than in their own villages,” he said. “I am the only doctor in Vank and the surrounding six villages. The hospital has a staff of 20 consisting of 14 nurses, ambulance drivers, accountants, and janitors.”

The fixed income for doctors in Artsakh is 156,000 AMD (roughly $375US; however, visiting doctors receive an extra percentage (determined by their location of residency). For example, a visiting doctor receives an additional 40 percent in Stepanakert, 60 percent in Vank, and 80 percent in Lachin and Kalbajar. In the past year, around 7,200 people have visited the hospital in Vank. Around 10 percent of the patients were transferred to Stepanakert to receive the proper medical care.

“Our hospital lacks the proper infrastructure to provide full-scale medical care to our patients,” he explained. “The hospital has a laboratory for blood tests, but we do not have an X-ray device or an ultrasound machine. Even our ambulance is in abysmal condition.” Several months ago, the ARF’s Help Your Brother initiative sent $15,000 worth of medicine and medical supplies to the hospital in Vank. That supply of medicine is still being used to treat patients at Jozigian’s hospital. Over the past nine months, Jozigian has found himself in numerous emergency situations where he’s had to conduct operations and provide services that are not usually available due to the lack of infrastructure and equipment in Vank.

“Traditionally we do not deliver babies at the Vank Hospital. We refer those cases to Stepanakert,” he said. “But in the past nine months, I have had to deliver three healthy babies at our hospital, because they were emergency cases.” Despite the challenges, Dr. Karnig Jozigian affirms his commitment to serving his nation in Artsakh. “I probably would make a lot more money if I worked in Yerevan,” he said. “But I prefer the lifestyle here in Artsakh. I will do everything I can to remain here. I might even invest in farming.” Two other Syrian-Armenian doctors and one dentist have moved to Artsakh in the past year. “Aleppo is my birthplace. I have a lot of memories there. I love Syria,” he said. “But Armenia and Artsakh is my homeland. I am still adhering to the Hippocratic Oath by serving the people in Artsakh.”

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Hundreds Attend Easter Sunday Mass in Diyarbakir Church

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Daughter of Sassoun Armenian Woman Baptized at Sourp Giragos

DIYARBAKIR, Turkey (A.W.)—Hundreds turned out for Easter Sunday Mass at the Sourp Giragos Armenian Church in Diyarbakir today.

Among the attendees were newly-elected Diyarbakir Metropolitan co-mayor Fırat Anlı and former mayor of the Diyarbakir Sur Municipality Abdullah Demirbaş.

A scene from Easter Mass led by Der Kevork Çınaryan.  (Photo by Guisor Akkum, The Armenian Weekly)

A scene from Easter Mass led by Der Kevork Çınaryan. (Photo by Guisor Akkum, The Armenian Weekly)

 

Hundreds arrive in anticipation of Easter Mass at Sourp Giragos (Photo by Guisor Akkum, The Armenian Weekly)

Hundreds arrive in anticipation of Easter Mass at Sourp Giragos (Photo by Guisor Akkum, The Armenian Weekly)

Der Kevork Çınaryan led the Mass at the largest Armenian church in the Middle East, which was renovated and opened for service three years ago.

Last year, the Armenian Patriarchate in Istanbul had come under harsh criticism for not sending a member of the clergy to lead Easter Mass at Sourp Giragos.

Kenan Sarraf, a member of the Sourp Giragis Foundation, told the Weekly that he was gratified to witness close to 1,500 people attend the Easter celebration at the church.

An Armenian girl, Amber Kaz, whose mother hails from Sassoun, was baptized after Easter Mass. Her family currently lives in Istanbul but wanted to see Amber Kaz baptized at Sourp Giragos.

Amber Kaz with her mother. (Photo by Gulisor Akkum, The Armenian Weekly)

Amber Kaz with her mother. (Photo by Gulisor Akkum, The Armenian Weekly)

 

An exhibition, titled “Bearing Witness to the Lost History of an Armenian Family Through the Lens of the Dildilian Brothers (1872-1923),” opened after the Easter Mass.

This report was filed by the Armenian Weekly Diyarbakir correspondent Gulisor Akkum.

The post Hundreds Attend Easter Sunday Mass in Diyarbakir Church appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Kiss My Children’s Eyes: A Search for Answers to the Genocide Through One Remarkable Photograph

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The Armenian Weekly April Magazine

Part One

The looks on their faces are haunting. A sense of fear and uncertainty, doom even, is evident. Fifty-one men, all Armenian, standing in front of what appears to be a prison, in the Turkish city of Gesaria (modern Kayseri). In the two windows behind them, other men are dimly seen. Only the Turkish gendarme at the end of the third row appears in any way at ease.

As I was to learn, the photograph is a remarkable one. Taken as the Armenian Genocide of 1915 was about to begin, it is likely the only one to have survived those massacres. It shows a large group of Armenian men who were martyred, and identifies them. Being named, their lives—as well as their deaths—can be traced.

The looks on their faces are haunting. A sense of fear and uncertainty, doom even, is evident.

The looks on their faces are haunting. A sense of fear and uncertainty, doom even, is evident.

My assignment to authenticate the photograph seemed a simple one when I took it on in 2005. Find out why the photograph had been taken and by whom. Who were these men and why did they look so fearful? Where was the photograph first published, and why had it remained so little known with its value unrecognized for so many years? And beyond the photograph’s history, what had become of these men and their families?

Nearly a decade later, some of the questions about the photograph remain unanswered, as facts that I unearthed often gave rise to more difficult questions. But from my pursuit of its origins, I came to value the photograph’s significance in the field of genocide research and learn the secrets it reveals about how thousands of Armenians were led to their deaths in that Turkish sancak (district), and how what took place in Gesaria was a microcosm of the genocide itself.

The more I dug, the more compelling the photograph became not just in historic terms but in human ones, as well. The faces of the men, all leaders in Gesaria’s Armenian community, placed a personal emphasis on what took place in eastern Turkey so many years ago. The toll could be assessed not solely by numbers but in actual lives lost.

Consider Vahan Kurkjian (no relation; middle row, sixth from the right), the dean and teacher at a college, regarded as the most educated of the Armenian residents, was sentenced to be hanged by a military tribunal for being a member of the Dashnak Party. Shortly before he was brought to the gallows in August 1915, Kurkjian presented his most prized possession, a fountain pen, to his wife with the instruction that she give it to the son among their three—Edward, Walter, and Harry—who turned out to be most like him. With their mother, the three boys made it to America and all led successful lives, including Walter, a successful banker and mayor of Merchantville, N.J. The pen remains a family heirloom.1

Or Karnig Jurjurian (top row, third from the left). Known as an ardent nationalist, Jurjurian’s two brothers and brother-in-law were also killed during the summer of 1915. Fearing the worst, he had sent his only son, Artin Jurjurian, to America before the killings began. Artin went to work for Boston’s then-public transit system, the Boston Elevated Railway, where he came in contact with Louis Brandeis, a Massachusetts lawyer who represented the railway workers. Brandeis, who would become a renowned member of the U.S. Supreme Court, assisted Artin Jurjurian in filling out the immigration papers to allow his mother—Karnig Jurjurian’s widow—into the United States following Karnig’s death in Gesaria.2

Or Mardiros Lousararian, 55, the only banker in Gesaria’s Armenian community, who was appointed to its city council in 1908, after loaning 500 lira to Turkey’s central Treasury. (He is shown in the second row of the photograph). But that didn’t save him from being arrested, brought before a military tribunal in late May 1915, and sentenced to 10 years of hard labor. But within weeks of the sentence, Lousararian was taken from the central Gesaria prison, placed on a caravan with other Armenian men, and never heard from again. Lousararian’s life, however, would not be forgotten, as his grandson wrote glowingly about his work in biographical articles about Lousararian and his family.3

I had been shown the photograph originally by Elaine Patapanian of Belmont, Mass., the granddaughter of one of the men in the front row of the photograph. She pressed me to determine the circumstances in which it had been taken, and asked if it were true (as one pamphlet which had reprinted the photograph stated) that all of the men had been killed an hour later.4 (It was not.)

Questions like hers spurred me to keep digging to learn the photograph’s origins. From my own personal experience, I knew that the lives of these men needed to be remembered, as did the survival of their families. Like Armenians everywhere whose families had lost loved ones in the massacres, my grandfather had been killed in the genocide, yet my father, a three-year-old in 1915, had survived to come to America to thrive.5

So even when the expected breakthrough did not quickly take place, I kept working to tell this story, knowing that if I didn’t no one would, and soon the story of the photograph, as well as the lives of the men shown in it, would be 100 years in the forgetting.

The difficulty in piecing together a coherent account of the circumstances of the photograph being taken, as well as what had happened in a single city in Turkey nearly a century before, is a familiar one for genocide researchers.

The Turkish government long denied Armenian or independent researchers open access to its archives on the decision-making by its Ottoman rulers during the genocide, and documents relating to Armenian life in that period. The government has relented a bit in recent years, but still access is limited and incomplete. Professional scholarship on the genocide did not begin in earnest until after 1965, a half century after the horrific events took place, which meant that two generations of survivors died, and with them, their first-hand accounts.

Despite those obstacles, an archival record has begun to be built, much from the testimony of eyewitnesses, including American diplomats and missionaries. Yet, that effort has been limited by modest funding—no government agency outside of tiny Armenia has ever put money into researching what led to the genocide or how it was carried out—and a lack of coordination among those few who work in the field. The ongoing and well-funded Turkish state-sponsored denial of the genocide has forced scholars to expend precious time and resources responding and re-responding to the distortion of the historical record. As a result, a chapter in worldhistory equal to the Nazi Holocaust in its horror and devastation has been reduced to a political battle.

The lack of visual evidence—no films and few photographs—has served to dim the brutality of the events of 1915 from history’s collective consciousness. Without the visual testament, Hitler was able to allay the concerns of his Nazi generations that his campaign against the Poles, and then the Jews in Eastern Europe, would bring worldwide condemnation.

“Who still talks nowadays of the extermination of the Armenians?” he stated less than 25 years after the genocide, a quote that is etched on a fourth-floor wall of the U.S. Holocaust Museum in Washington, D.C. as a permanent reminder.6

Samantha Power, whose book A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide, won the Pulitzer Prize for Non-Fiction in 2003, agreed that the case for acknowledging the Armenian Genocide is weakened by the few photographs and no visual evidence.

“You can never argue against the Holocaust because of the images that emerged from it. The proof of what happened and the suffering was overwhelming,” Power said in an interview in 2006, before she became a national security adviser to President Obama. “Images are what people remember. They cannot be argued away.”7

It was inside a Turkish military newspaper that I found the most convincing evidence of the photograph’s importance, proof that the men had been executed. Written in Ottoman Turkish, an issue of the military newspaper Kayseri, published in early June 1915, contained the verdicts imposed on 46 Armenian businessmen and community leaders who had been tried by the military tribunal in the days before.8

Most of those shown in the photograph were listed in the Kayseri newspaper as having been tried and sentenced by the military tribunal—31 of the 46 to be precise. (While 51 Armenian men are shown in the photograph, only the names of 46 are provided in whole or in part by first or last name, and in a few cases with a profession.)

Letter from Varteres Armenyan written from Talas, July 1915.

Letter from Varteres Armenyan written from Talas, July 1915.

The verdicts published in the Kayseri military newspaper also show how weak the evidence against them was. It was stated at their trials that the men had signed a secret pledge to wage armed battle for independence for the Armenians, who had lived for centuries in Asia Minor as an ethnic minority in central and eastern Turkey. They were convicted of either possession of a weapon and/or membership in one of two Armenian political parties, the Dashnaks or the Hunchaks.

But the evidence to support those allegations was unconvincing, especially to justify the death sentences that were to follow. While weapons were found in many of their homes, Armenians had been given the right to bear arms in 1908, when the current regime had come to power. As for membership in revolutionary organizations, it is true that members of both the Hunchak and Dashnak parties had advocated for an independent Armenia, but neither party had taken steps towards mounting an armed assault. The defendants were denied their efforts to offer individual defenses against the charges at their hearings; they were tried in groups of four and five, and the sessions were finished in a matter of hours.9

Even being acquitted by the military tribunal, as 2 of the 46 originally tried were, did not bring freedom. One was placed in an ox-drawn cart within days of his acquittal and taken with 24 other Armenian men to a remote location several miles outside of Gesaria. There they were attacked and killed by a group of murderous chetes (brigands) who had just been released from prison for that purpose.10 The other, Krikor Gerekmezian, was never heard from again after his acquittal was posted in the Kayseri newspaper.

According to the memoirs of three eyewitnesses, the hangings began on June 15, 1915, within hours of the verdicts’ being made known. Eleven men, including seven shown in the photograph (Hagop Merdinian, Avedis Zambakjian, Minas Minasian, Garabed Jamjian, Hagop Khayerlian, Karnig Kouyoumjian and Hovanes Nevshehirlian), were awakened at the prison in the center of Gesaria before dawn, ordered to put on long white shrouds, and taken by oxen cart to a square known as Komorluku (the Coal Pits) where gallows had been erected. 11

Most limped or had to be carried up the gallows steps; the Turkish police had tortured them before their trials in hopes of discovering where caches of weapons might be found, or documents proving membership in one of the Armenian political parties. The preferred form of torture—bastinado, or falake in Turkish—consisted of repeatedly beating the soles of the prisoners’ feet with wooden rods.

In a final insult, the Turkish executioners denied the request of the priests who had accompanied the men to the gallows to allow them to be given an Armenian funeral. Instead, their bodies were thrown into a mass grave and buried.

Kevork Vishabian, a strong advocate for Armenian independence, was one of the first to be hanged. But before the noose was placed around his neck, he shouted out to the members of the military tribunal who had sentenced him to reconsider their actions: “Esteemed judges, remain true to your calling, follow the path of justice and stop persecuting the Armenians.” Vishabian, whose family ran a tin-making business, was 31 at the time. His pregnant wife was among those who witnessed his hanging. She screamed at the executioners that if her child was a boy he would avenge his father’s killing.

But there was no stopping the killing campaign now. On the same day, 400 miles to the west, in Turkey’s capital of Constantinople, 20 Hunchak Party activists—among the 200 leaders of the Armenian community who had been arrested two months before—were hanged in one of the city’s public squares.

The date of the arrests, April 24, 1915, has come to be known asthe beginning of the Armenian Genocide. The killings would last for more than a year, well into 1916. In the end, hundreds of thousands were killed, many in such brutal fashion as being hurled off bridges or being burned to death when the churches or homes they had sought refuge in were set ablaze. Those who survived were robbed of their property and belongings, and deported under the worst possible circumstances from central and eastern region of Turkey, where their roots dated back to the Bronze Age.

It would become characterized as the first modern genocide. Although it was well documented while the killings were taking place, the horrors of the Armenian Genocide would dim over time. No lessons would be learned from it or ways to prevent it, and many such massacres would follow, in Nazi Germany, Cambodia, Serbia, Darfur, and Rwanda.

For the Armenians, near-extermination in their ancestral homeland has been followed by an additional injustice: a vociferous, well-funded campaign by the Turkish government to deny that genocide took place. “Yes, hundreds of thousands of Armenians died” is the common refrain from the Turkish government, “but deaths are inevitable during wartime, and there had never been an intentional initiative to rid the Armenians and their culture from Turkey.”

The International Association of Genocide Scholars adopted a resolution in 1997 affirming that what took place in Ottoman Turkey against the Armenians in 1915 meets the United Nations’ legal definition of genocide. If further evidence is needed, Raphael Lemkin, whose work in the 1930’s and 1940’s established the framework for “genocide” and its legal aspects, said the experience of the Armenians in Ottoman Turkey motivated his work from the outset.

But those acknowledgments have not convinced U.S. officials to take similar actions. Fearing it would upset the present Turkish government, a national security ally of the United States, Congress has consistently refused to adopt a resolution acknowledging the Armenian Genocide. And no recent U.S. president, including President Obama, who campaigned he would do otherwise if elected, has used the word genocide in the statements issued every April 24th to express sadness about what befell the Armenian people in Ottoman Turkey.

But research in the Ottoman archives by, among others, Turkish scholar and Clark University Professor Taner Akcam, following a historian’s professional path, is showing how intentional the campaign by the Ottoman rulers to attack the Armenians was. Akcam has located still-unpublished encrypted communiqués that the Ottoman regime in Constantinople sent to their functionaries in outlying districts. These detail an organized campaign first to inflame Muslim sentiments against the Armenians and then to strike at them.

One of the secret telegrams that Akcam found was sent by Talat Pasha, Turkey’s Minister of the Interior and chief architect of the genocide, to functionaries in Gesaria and other provinces in mid-February 1915, a few weeks before the first roundups of Armenian notables. Complaining that “Armenian bandits” had been carrying out assaults on Turkish citizens and soldiers in several places and that “copious bombs” had been found in Armenian homes in Gesaria, Talat warned that “our enemies are preparing an attempt to revolt in our country.” 12

Another secret telegram rebuts the denial by the modern Turkish government and its spokesmen of any evidence of state responsibility for the mass killing of Armenians. Sent by the Turkish Directorate of General Security to officials in the nearby vilayet of Diyarbakir, the telegram shows the central government was aware that the prisoners were being dispatched from the prison in Gesaria and sent via caravans to their death.

Written on June 22, 1915, the day they were taken from the prison, the communiqué states that about 25 “Armenian revolutionaries” who had been sentenced by the military tribunal in Gesaria were being sent to Diyarbakir, more than 300 miles to the east. They were never heard from again. On their arrival, the instruction called for the “performing and communication of what is necessary.”13

The language in such official communiqués from Constantinople to the functionaries in the provinces is most often elliptical, but the uniformity with which they were carried out with extreme measures has convinced Akcam and other scholars that the Ottoman rulers had devised a secret code for communicating their commands.

Over the next several months, from June through October, a total of 13 caravans filled with Armenian men were dispatched from the prison in Gesaria. Each was larger in number than the one before, and by the time they ended in October, the caravans contained more than 600 men each, and the Gesaria prison was emptied of Armenians.14

Although few Armenian prisoners who were taken away from the prison were ever heard from again, and the same ox carts and prison guards would return from one trip only to be used in the next, the prisoners held out hope that they were not being taken to their death. Had not their guards said that they were just being taken to another province where they would be incarcerated until the end of the war, they reasoned.

That sense of guarded hope was evident in a letter that Varteres Armenyan, a successful copper merchant, with a wife and three children, wrote to his family from Talas, a few miles north of Gesaria. Taken captive in May, Armenyan was one of the two Armenians found innocent of all charges by the Ottoman Turkish military tribunal. But that did not spare him, as he was kept in prison following the decision of the military tribunal, and within days was placed in a caravan that headed east from Gesaria. Written in Armenian, the one-page letter somehow reached Armenyan’s family and has been preserved by Elaine Patapanian, his granddaughter, who had introduced me to the photograph in question.

In his letter, dated July 5 (or July 18 by the western calendar), Armenyan wrote that while his caravan had safely arrived in Talas he feared they would be taken further east to the region of Sivas, where there were rumors about Armenian killing fields.

“After that it’s not known where we will go,” wrote Armenyan, who would never be heard from again. “Being in prison doesn’t allow one to write every day. All of you must pray to God to save us from this trial. My loving best to all… I kiss my children’s eyes.”15

 

Part Two

Located in a valley of Mount Argaeus in central Turkey, the city of Gesaria has always been vulnerable to locusts. Fittingly, such a plague hit in the late winter and early spring of 1915, and the Turkish authorities ordered all elderly Armenians and boys under the age of 14 into the fields outside of the city to attack the waves of insects. For days on end, the Armenians were not allowed to return to their homes until each had collected enough insects that their sacks weighed like they had a brick inside them.16

The other Armenian men, those above the age of 14, were allowed to remain in the city and continue their normal lives—as normal as could be with a sense of doom, worse even than waves of locusts, approaching.

World War I had spread through Europe and already Turkey was getting the worst of it. On its west, an armada of British and French warships had begun shelling the Dardanelles Straits on November 3, 1914, and there was fierce fighting in Gallipoli.

On Turkey’s eastern border, the Russians had delivered a near-lethal blow to the Turkish military, at Sarikamish, in early January 1915, killing or wounding a huge proportion of the 118,000 Turkish troops dispatched in the dead of winter to confront the czar’s army. War Minister Enver Pasha, one of the leaders of the Young Turk regime, had given his personal blessing to the attack on the Russian forces. Humiliated by the loss, he now made his way back to Constantinople, making a late-night stop in Gesaria to meet with provincial officials.

The names of the prisoners

The names of the prisoners

The director of the choir of one of the three churches in the Armenian section of Gesaria, hearing of Enver’s presence in the city, appeared at the government building in hopes of arranging a recital for the war minister. The director, like others in Gesaria, was unaware of what had befallen the Ottoman military in Sarikamish, or how the Turkish government intended to respond. There would be no listening to an Armenian choir for Enver that night.17

Before the killings began, a 1914 census showed that more than 52,000 Armenians were registered as living in the Gesaria sancak (district), about 18,000 of them living in the city itself, mostly in two-story residences built of stone, many of which still stand. In slightly more than a year’s time, thousands of the men would be killed, either hanged in the city’s central square or taken to remote areas and murdered. The rest of the Armenian population, women and children, would be ordered into caravans and banished from the city and province, never to return again.

The forced removal of the Armenians was so effective that a census ordered by Talat in 1917 found that only 6,700 of the 52,000 remained in the sancak. While 1.5 million Armenians were officially recorded as living in Ottoman Turkey before World War I, Talat’s census in 1917 found that 1.2 million had been killed or forcibly removed from their homeland.18

Today, the once-active Armenian community in Gesaria has been reduced to a handful, mostly elderly people who are afraid still to acknowledge their heritage. The only Armenian landmark is the Church of St. Gregory the Illuminator, which has no resident priest or regular services. However, to prevent the confiscation of the church as abandoned property, Armenian priests travel there from Istanbul to conduct services several times a year.

What happened to the Armenians in Gesaria during the genocide mirrored what took place in other Turkish provinces, but was worsened by two aggravating circumstances. First, far more high-level functionaries of the Young Turk Party were put in place in Gesaria in the months before the onset of the genocide than in other regions of the country. Their purpose, according to Raymond Kevorkian, author of The Armenian Genocide: The Complete History, was to “fabricate a damning case incriminating the Armenians” in a conspiracy against the Turkish people. Second was the leading role played by Salih Zeki in carrying out the massacres in Gesaria, once he ascended to a key position in the district of Gesaria in late February or early March 1915.19

Zeki’s actions proved to be so ruthlessly effective in pushing forward the aims of the Ottoman rulers in Gesaria that in a little more than a year’s time, he was promoted to take over as mutasarif (governor) of Der Zor, the region of the Ottoman Empire (in modern-day Syria) where hundreds of thousands of forcibly deported Armenians were sent. In Zeki’s hands, Der Zor was turned into the worst killing fields of the genocide.

Zeki took over as the kaymakam (regional executive) of Gesaria—from an official who was generally regarded as being benevolent towards the Armenians—following an explosion in the town of Evereg, 15 miles from Gesaria. A 30-year old Armenian man, Kevork Defjian, had returned from the United States to Evereg intent on avenging the killings that he had witnessed 20 years before of his uncle and nephew. But the bomb that he was making exploded in his hands, killing him and shattering the silence of the Armenian neighborhood in Evereg. The date was, by the western calendar, Feb. 24, 1915.20

Vahakn Dadrian, a leader in the field of Armenian Genocide research, calls the explosion at Evereg a “triggering event” for the massacres in Gesaria. It provided authorities a spark to ignite fears among the Turkish population that drastic steps needed to be taken against their Armenian neighbors. In the same fashion, Dadrian notes, Hitler and his propaganda chief Josef Goebbels incited Germans in 1938 to believe that all Jews should be held responsible for the killing of a German diplomat by a Jewish youth in Paris in 1938.

But word of the explosion did not reach Turkish authorities for several days, until one Turkish worker who lived in the neighborhood let it be known to officialswhat had happened. Outraged that it had gone unreported for days, the Ottoman rulers quickly promoted Zeki to kaymakam, and he moved almost immediately against the Armenians. Among his first actions was to summon a large group of Armenian leaders to the central points in Evereg and Gesaria. In no uncertain words, he informed them that the central government in Constantinople had ordered a crackdown: all guns and munitions in the hands of Armenians were to be confiscated, and membership in all Armenian political parties was outlawed.

I believe it was at this time that the photograph that has long captured my attention was taken. Zeki would have wanted to prove to his superiors in Constantinople (as quickly as possible following his promotion to kaymakam) that he had rounded up the key members of the Armenian community. The prison setting appears similar to the Kale, the military fortress that still dominates the center of Gesaria, and none of the men show signs of injury (many, as previously stated, would soon suffer from beatings by the police in an effort to coerce confessions).

Those torture sessions began sometime in March and took place at the police station a few blocks away from the fortress. In the days leading up to the first interrogations, the streets throughout the Armenian sector grew tense. Haig Ghazerian, who recounted his memories of the genocide in 1931, in a series of articles in the Beirut Armenian newspaper Lipanan, recalled meeting Kevork Vishabian, the leader of the local chapter of the Dashnak chapter, on the streets of Kayseri shortly before Vishabian was arrested.21

“Haig, it’s our time,” Vishabian said as the two men walked to Vishabian’s house. There, they lit the stove in the middle of the living room and, over cigars, they burned “every piece of documents we both had,” Ghazerian recalled.

Within two months, Vishabian would be among the first of about 50 men who were tortured, brought before a military tribunal, and convicted. He was also among the first sentenced to be hanged in Gesaria’s public square.

But those hanged were not all from the Armenian political elite of Gesaria. Garabed Jamjian was also among them. He had been taken into custody on the flimsiest of evidence, a false accusation by a fellow Armenian that Jamjian had carried a secret note from Etchmiadzin, the seat of Armenia’s high prelate, urging a public rebellion.

No such note was ever found on him, but in raiding his house the Turks did find an antique rifle and prosecuted him for it. At his trial, Jamjian asserted that the rifle had been given to him as a gift by Ottoman leaders for his public service. But no matter, the tribunal ruled that the gun could have been used against Turkish citizens, so he was guilty of possessing it.

The hangings in the square would continue for the next 12 months. In all, according to Raymond Kevorkian’s The Armenian Genocide: A Complete History, the court martial tribunal condemned 1,095 Armenian men by late September 1915; 857 of them were executed.

The last Armenians removed from the city were those who had been put to work to kill the locusts that had beset the farmland. As the workers returned to the central city every night, Ghazerian recalled, they would shield their eyes as they walked past the gallows, which were left standing whether being used or not.

“The sad news was taken everywhere,” wrote Ghazerian in 1931. “We were all in mourning. No one had the courage to go out and look at one another. Life had stopped in the Armenian neighborhoods.”

The forced deportation of the general population of Gesaria, as well as other Anatolian cities and villages, began several months later, in mid-August 1915. (In other areas, the general deportations had begun as early as May.) Depending on the length of their route, between 30 and 50 percent of those deported from eastern and central Turkey died along the trek to Aleppo, Syria—victims of starvation or cholera, or killed by roving bands.22

And for the fortunate ones from Gesaria who made it to Aleppo, a new horror awaited them, perpetrated by Salih Zeki. Instead of allowing the Armenian survivors into the city where relief workers were waiting for them, the caravans were shepherded to refugee camps set up in the deserts of Der Zor. Anyone seeking to help the Armenians was prohibited from entering the area, and when a new wave of cholera descended on the camp, the dead went unburied.

An indictment of the Young Turk leadership in 1919 determined that 192,750 people had been murdered in Der Zor in 1916 alone, according to Kevorkian’s The Armenian Genocide: A Complete History. In 2010, more than nine decades later, a news crew from “60 Minutes” visited Der Zor with author Peter Balakian and uncovered human bones in the empty fields. Yet, despite Zeki’s murderous ways, the end of World War I did not bring him justice or the revenge that he feared. Although a post-war commission in Turkey charged Zeki with torture, bribery, and rape, he fled the country before he could be arrested and tried. He lived out the rest of his life in safety in Baku, Azerbaijan.

 

Part Three

Although it was taken in 1915, this photograph, which has tested my investigative reporting skills for much of the past decade, was not published, as far as I could determine, until 1965. Then, without any explanation as to its history, the photograph appeared in an anthology compiled on the 50th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide in a chapter that described how the massacres had unfolded in Gesaria.

From the outset, I felt that whatever importance the photograph would have to the history of the Armenian Genocide depended on my authenticating the photograph itself, uncovering its origins. Why it had gone undiscovered for half a century was a key question that needed to be addressed.

Krikor Elmayan, the grandson of Vahan Elmayan, who wrote that chapter, allowed me access to his late grandfather’s archives at their home in Beirut; Armenian scholar Ara Sanjian visited the Elmayan home on my behalf and found the copy of the military newspaper, Kayseri, which contained, in Ottoman Turkish, the verdict of the military tribunal condemning so many of those in the photograph to death. (Having grown up in Gesaria, Vahan Elmayan witnessed the massacres as a teenager and was the first to write about what took place in a series of articles in Yeritasard Hayastan, a weekly Armenian newspaper published in Chicago, in 1920. He dedicated the articles to his father, who was among those martyred.)

In addition, we found a copy of the photograph that Elmayan had used in the 1965 anthology, titled Hushamadean Medz Yegherni (Memorial Book of the Great Crime), 1915-1965.23 Krikor had no idea how his grandfather had come upon the photograph, nor did Zaven Messerlian, principal of the Armenian Evangelical College in Beirut and an Armenian historian who had helped in preparing the 1,100-page book for publication.

Messerlian recalled seeking photographs for the editor of the book, Kersam Aharonian, by placing ads in newspapers that circulated in the Armenian community in Lebanon as well as worldwide. But he had no recollection of ever receiving the photograph that was published on page 352 in the anthology. “Vahan [Elmayan] had to have gotten it on his own,” Messerlian told me.

As it turned out, my best clue on the photograph’s origins—as well as on how Elmayan had gotten ahold of it—came from the keepsakes of a neighbor in Watertown, Mass. Alice Nakashian, learning of my research project, shared with me two copies of the photograph that were among the papers of her father, Haratoun (Harry) Nakashian, who had been born in Gesaria and died in Boston in 1972. Under one of the photographs, her father had printed the names and whereabouts of eight of those men. But with the second photograph, the names of 41 had been added in Armenian, and scotch-taped to the bottom of the photograph itself.

Alice Nakashian recalls her father taking her to the downtown Boston office of the Armenian newspaper Hairenik and having several hundred copies of the second photograph printed, which he then mailed to Armenian publications around the world. John Garabedian, a friend of Harry Nakashian’s, confirmed that he often made copies of the Kayseri photograph at Garabedian’s pharmacy in the 1950’s and 1960’s to send out to other Armenians.

Was it possible that despite my far-flung search for the photograph, which had led me to search the catalogues of more than a dozen libraries and archives throughout the world, my best clue to its origins would come from a woman who lived less than a mile from my late parents’ home in Watertown?

But a close inspection of the photograph found in Elmayan’s files and published in the 1965 anthology leaves little doubt that it had come from Nakashian. Not only is the image the same, but the Armenian lettering containing the names is exactly the same, as is the title: “The Last Group of Gesaria’s Notable Intellectuals and Merchants Before They Were Hanged and Axed.” Also, Elmayan’s copy shows signs of the same tear and markings of the scotch tape that Nakashian had used.

So how would Nakashian have obtained the photograph? According to his daughter, Nakashian was an avid collector of photographs. Born in Gesaria in 1895, he spent his early years in Cairo where he worked as an accountant for a cigarette company and then for Eastman Kodak, where he gained a lifelong love for photographs. Returning to Turkey in 1919, he worked for several years as a translator for the Allies and while there began collecting photographs, especially those that related to the genocide.

“He was forever copying photographs that he believed had historical importance to the genocide and sending them to Armenian writers, publications, and organizations,” Alice Nakashian said, “to anyone who might be interested.” For example, Nakashian provided several historical photographs that appear in Abraham Hartunian’s memoir, Neither To Laugh Nor To Weep,and is so credited.24

But one piece of the puzzle I am more certain of is who took the photograph: an Armenian man named Gulbenk Cicekyan. A native of Gesaria, Cicekyan operated a photography studio with his father-in-law, who had taught him the craft because he feared Cicekyan’s prior job as a bill collector was too dangerous. One Armenian memoir described Cicekyan being instructed by Turkish police to close down his shop and follow them to the prison in the center of Gesaria, where the gallows for hanging the first Armenians sentenced by military tribunal had been erected.25

Cicekyan survived the massacres and made his way to Beirut, where he raised his family and opened a photographic studio under the name of Gulbenk Trading Co. He changed his name to Gulbenk Gulbenk and became well known as the chief photographer for a Lebanese prime minister. Before he died in the early 1970’s, Gulbenk told his grandson, Arthur, how he had been summoned by Turkish authorities to take photographs of the hangings in Gesaria’s center in 1915.

“He told me he wasn’t even able to lock the door of his shop, that the gendarme told him not to worry, that he would not be coming back there, and I don’t think he ever did,” Arthur Gulbenk said, recalling his grandfather’s account.

But why would Salih Zeki or any other Ottoman leader have asked that such a photograph be taken if there was the likelihood that those shown would soon be executed? Tessa Hofmann (Savidis), a German historian and an authority on Genocide photographs,said that while she is unaware of the purpose of the Gesaria photograph, she believes it may have been part of the initiative by Ottoman authorities to stir Muslim sentiment against the Armenians.

“Whether it was possession of weapons or plotting against the government, it was necessary for the public to believe that the Armenians were conspiring against them, and that it was the leadership, and not just the average worker,” Hofmann said.26

The only photograph like it that she has seen was taken at about the same time—in late March 1915—and shows a group of Armenian freedom fighters who had been taken captive by the Turkish military in the mountainous village of Zeitoun. Others have speculated that the photograph was ordered by Zeki after taking over as regional executive to show his Ottoman superiors that he had the leaders of the Armenian community under control.

As for why the Gesaria photograph had remained hidden for so long, Hofmann cited the historic refusal of the Turkish government to open its archives to historians or researchers. While the Turkish government has relented in recent years, opening portions of its Ottoman-era archives in Istanbul (with hundreds of thousands of documents reflecting the decision-making of the Ottoman rulers), historian Taner Akcam fears that the files have already been well scrubbed, and many damning records removed. There has been no independent corroboration of the essential records, nothing to compare with the Nuremberg Trials in which the U.S. and its allies conducted an in-depth investigation of Nazi atrocities during World War II.

Some Ottoman records were uncovered by the post-war tribunals that the Turks empaneled in several cities immediately after the war to investigate how the massacres of the Armenians had taken place and who was responsible. But the American government and the other allies provided no support for the tribunals, and chose not to protest when they were disbanded in the early 1920’s with modern Turkey’s rise towards national independence.

***

The Armenian Genocide shredded the tenuous tissue that bonds one person to another, families together. With so many villages destroyed and people killed, who your neighbor was or who may have been related to you by blood or marriage has been lost for most Armenians alive today. Certainly lost is the feeling of attachment to the land. Because of Turkey’s refusal to acknowledge the genocide or apologize for what took place, many of the 10 million Armenians in the worldwide diaspora are reluctant to go back and visit the villages of their ancestors.

Only recently did Janet Achoukian Andreopoulos, a 44-year old amateur genealogist whose ancestral roots are in Evereg, take it upon herself to stitch together a family tree for those whose roots are in that village. Andreopoulos uses genealogy websites as well as available birth, death, and marriage certificates, U.S. immigration and census records, old newspaper articles, and even ship manifests to make her family links.

But there are few documents of Armenian life remaining in Turkey that Andreopoulos or other genealogists can use. (A recent exception are baptismal records uncovered from St. Gregory the Illuminator Church in Gesaria for several years before the genocide. Discovered and translated by historian George Aghjayan, the records have begun to be published in the Armenian Weekly.) Whatever was recorded of the births, deaths, marriages, or residences of the Armenian people in the central and eastern portions of Turkey has long been lost, despite the fact that the Armenians, heirs to one of the world’s oldest civilizations, lived in this region, approximately the size of New England, for millenia.

Lacking those traditional genealogical documents, three men have begun to track, through DNA research, family connections among Armenians. Referring to the genocide, Peter Hrechdakian, one of the project’s three administrators, said, “What tragically often gets forgotten is that this single event, which took place in such a brief period of time, for the most part eradicated a people and their culture from the land” they had long occupied.”27

Viewed in those terms, the loss seems breathtaking in scope, and is part of what maintained my interest in researching the origins of the photograph during much of the last decade. The more time I spent, my interest shifted from how the horror of the genocide had unfolded in Gesaria to the men shown in the photograph. What had life been like for them and other Armenians there who went through those trying times, and what sustained them in their efforts to survive?

The more people I spoke with the more important my task became of trying to connect those poor souls shown in the photograph with the kin who had somehow survived them, to give both the victims as well as their descendants proof that their families, their people, had not ended with these horrific deaths.

Dr. Garabed Aivazian, a 94-year old psychiatrist from Memphis, Tenn., was among the more than two dozen possible kin of those shown in the photograph. Having never seen the photograph before, he was uncertain if the “Hagop Avsharian” shown in the second row was, in fact, his father. Although the names were similar and there appeared to be a resemblance, he had never seen his father wearing a fez, as all the men shown in the photograph were.

But his father’s story was similar to the others shown in the photograph. Hagop had been working as a medical assistant for the American missionary in nearby Talas when he was kidnapped by the Turkish military and taken away. “It would be good to know that he was considered important enough to be shown with these others, the leaders of the Armenian community,” Aivazian said. “For me it would be good to know that he did not die alone, that there were others, friends even, who were with him.”28 Aivazian’s thoughts on whether the man shown in the photograph is his father exemplified the condition that the Genocide has left so many Armenians in nearly a century later—robbed of specific family ties, but hopeful that there was some relief, some meaning to the suffering.
Afterword

For much of the past decade, I have focused my skills as an investigative reporter primarily on two projects—investigating the art theft from Boston’s Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, a still-unsolved crime that is said to be the biggest art heist in world history; and authenticating the grainy photograph that accompanies this article. I cannot tell you which of the projects has been more difficult or important for me, but I do know which has been more rewarding.

Both projects involved images that touched me personally. I was born and raised in Boston, and my high school was located across the street from the Gardner Museum. Two of my cousins, both concert pianists, played often at the museum’s classical performances during the 1940’s and 1950’s. My father was himself an artist, and he spoke in awe of the Old Masters. Yes, he told me before he died in 2004, you have had a great career and won exceptional awards as a journalist, but to assist in gaining the return of those Rembrandts and the Vermeer to the museum would be a crowning public achievement.

Yet, my father was also a survivor of the Armenian Genocide, and while he rarely spoke about it or its effects on him, I know his entire life was defined by the loss of his father at the age of three. So, even though I was not introduced to the photograph until several months after his death, his presence was with me during the entire time that I spent on the project.

At the outset my hope was that my research would underscore the horror of the Armenian Genocide, its sheer illegality and depravity. Although that was certainly found, my focus began to shift as I spoke to more and more relatives of those shown in the photograph. Many had no idea that their grandfathers or great-grandfathers were in the photograph until my phone call or e-mail inquiring about their family history. And through those conversations, I came to realize that the ultimate achievement of research into the Armenian Genocide was not just to gain recognition from the world community, but also to fill in the gaps of our personal histories and try to sew back the fabric of the Armenian communities that the Ottoman authorities sought to shred nearly 100 years ago.

Beyond the strangers, there were dozens who assisted me in my research into, as well as my understanding of, the genocide, most notably: Marc Mamigonian, director of academic affairs at the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research; Vahakn Dadrian, director of genocide research at the Zoryan Institute; Taner Akcam, Robert Aram and Marianne Kaloosdian and Stephen and Marian Mugar Professorship in Armenian Genocide Studies at Clark University; Khatchig Mouradian, editor of the Armenian Weekly; Dr. Ara Sanjian, director of the Armenian Research Center at the University of Michigan at Dearborn; Dr. Abraham D. Krikorian, Professor Emeritus, SUNY, Stony Brook; Very Rev. Fr. Raphael Andonian, Holy Cross Armenian Catholic Church in Belmont, Mass.; Ruth Thomasian, director, Project SAVE, Armenian Photograph Archives, Inc.; Aram Arkun, scholar and translator; and Arpie Davis, whose Armenian translation skills are matched only by her wit and loveliness.

 

Sources

1 Interview with Sandra Kurkian (cq) Selverian, granddaughter of Vahan Kurkjian

2 Interview with Harry Jurjurian, grandson of Karnig Jurjurian

3 Aras Publications, Istanbul

4 The Armenian Massacre by James Nazer. T&T Publishing, 1970

5 “Roots of Sorrow,” the Boston Globe Sunday Magazine, April 1993

6 Although historians have hotly contested what Hitler stated to his generals, there is no doubt that both he and his Nazi regime were aware of the Armenian Genocide and its relatively innocuous effect on Turkey after World War I. Stanford University historian Norman Naimark.

7 Samantha Power interview

8 Kayseri newspaper, June 15, 1915. Translation by Aram Arkun.

9 The Agency of ‘Triggering Mechanisms’ as a Factor in the Organization of the Genocide Against the Armenians of Kayseri District. By Vahakn N. Dadrian of the Zoryan Institute

10 Kayseri newspaper

11 Vahan Elmayan, series of articles published in Yeridasart Hayastan, an Armenian newspaper published in Chicago, 1920 and 1921; Haig Ghazarian, series of articles published in Lipanan, Armenian newspaper, 1931. Translations by Arpie Davis. “Massacre Fugitive,” by Daniel (Tata) Tombakian, 69 pages. Unpublished manuscript.

12 “As Armenian bandits appearing in Bitlis, the assaults which take place in Aleppo and Dörtyol again by Armenians against soldiers, and copious bombs which appear in Kayseri together with Greek, French, and Armenian ciphered correspondence documents indicate that our enemies are preparing an attempt at revolution in our country, to be ready for any possibility, through procedure that will be applied in all the zones where such an event is occurring, special and general communications of the Office of the Supreme Commander of the Imperial Army to the armies about Armenian individuals under arms have been conducted. It is strongly advised to take extraordinary care in the full application of the necessary steps through discussion with the military authorities without losing time on issues connected with the civil administration.”
On 15 February [1]330 [1915]
Minister [Talat]
Signature

13 “The decree about twenty five people from the Armenian revolutionaries who were condemned by the Kayseri Court Martial to the penalties of eternal and temporary [for a fixed period of time] confinement in a fortress and penal servitude receiving exalted [i.e., imperial] confirmation, the sending of the twenty five people being seen as suitable has been communicated to the Interior Ministry. On their arrival the performing and communication of what is necessary.”
1915 June 9/22
Cipher Office of the Interior Ministry 54/97 Document No. 1
Turkish Transcription: 19,00

14 Arshag A. Alboyajian, Badmoutiun Hai Gesario [History of Kayseri’s Armenians], vol. 2 (Cairo: Papazian Printing House, 1937), 1442-43, translated by Arpie Davis.

15 Elaine Patapanian family papers

16 Vahan Elmayan, Yeridasart Hayastan, Sept. 16, 1920

17 Vahan Elmayan, Yeridisart Hayastan, Sept. 12, 1920

18 Talat Pasha’s Black Book documents his campaign of race extermination, 1915-17, by Ara Sarafian, Armenian Reporter, March 2013.

19 Interview with Raymond Kevorkian

20 The Agency of ‘Triggering Mechanisms’ as a Factor in the Organization of the Genocide Against the Armenians of Kayseri District, Vahakn N. Dadrian, Zoryan Institute, 2006.

21 Black Days: The Massacres of Gesaria, Pages from My Diary, Haig Ghazerian. Lipanan newspaper. May, June 1931.

22 The Armenian Genocide: A Complete History, Raymond Kevorkian. I.B. Tauris.

23 Houshamadian Medz Yegernee 1915–1965 [Compendium on the Great Calamity], ed. Kersam Aharonian (Beirut: Zartonk Publications, 1965), p. 352

24 Neither to Laugh nor to Weep: A Memoir of the Armenian Genocide, Abraham H. Hartunian. Beacon Press, Boston. 1968.

25 Years of Dreams and Torments, Housaper Printers, Cairo, 1961, p. 188

26 Tessa Hofmann interview

27 Peter Hrechdakian, Armenian DNA Project interview

28 Dr. Garabed Aivazian interview

 

The post Kiss My Children’s Eyes: A Search for Answers to the Genocide Through One Remarkable Photograph appeared first on Armenian Weekly.


Armenia as a Technology Hub?

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Armenia—with its highly educated population, an entrepreneurial spirit, a legacy of research and development during Soviet times, and high growth digital sector—can become a technology hub or “Silicon Mountain” in the region.

According to the Enterprise Incubator Foundation, in 2012, Armenia exported $120 million worth of IT software and services, mostly to the U.S., Canada, and the European Union. There were about 360 IT companies in Armenia, with an average annual growth of 23 percent. Revenues accounted for 3.3 percent of its national GDP, with the industry contributing 8 percent of total exports. About 1 in 10 of the companies had a turnover of more than $1 million.

Armenia used to be a hub for the Soviet Union’s scientific and research and development (R&D) activities, including industrial computing, electronics, and semiconductors. Since independence, the country’s focus has been towards software development, outsourcing, and IT services.

Although Armenia has around 90 percent coverage of 3G network nationally, only around 40 percent access the network.

Students experiment in robotics during a workshop at Tumo.

Students experiment in robotics during a workshop at Tumo.

That is why places like the Tumo Center are so important. Tumo is a new kind of after-school learning environment where thousands of teenage students are put in charge of their own learning, in a place where there is access to the internet and technology. The Center teaches skills necessary to succeed in the digital industry, for example in animation, video game design, web development, and digital video and audio.

Another organization helping prepare Armenia for digital future is Armtech, which promotes Armenia’s high technology economy and encourages investment; allows for the networking among high tech professional worldwide; and organizes a leading Armenia tech conference every year.

Then there have been the technology investments. In 2011, Microsoft Corporation established an Innovation Center in Yerevan, and in the same year India set up a joint Center for Excellence in Information Communication Technologies at Yerevan State University. In response, the Armenian government opened an information and high-tech office at the Plug and Play Center in Silicon Valley in December 2012.

The latest accomplishment came in December 2013, when Technology and Science Dynamics Inc./Armtab Technologies Company, an American-Armenian joint-venture, announced the first tablet and smartphone made in Armenia.

A country that has made the most of its small land mass while leveraging the intellectual capacity of its population has been Israel. The percentage of Israelis engaged in scientific and technological inquiry, and the amount spent on research and development in relation to gross domestic product, is the highest in the world.

A number of factors have contributed to this, including investing within the country to patent technologies and attracting foreign investment to build research and development centers. The Armenian government should consider these and other models to further enhance some its natural resources—its people.

Perhaps it could appoint an Advisory Board (including diasporans) to work alongside these existing organizations to set and implement Armenia’s digital plan, to not only develop the sector but identify new opportunities to leverage.

Armenians are no strangers to the digital sector, with Avie Tevanian, a former senior vice president and former chief software technology officer at Apple; Alexis Ohanian, co-founder the social news website Reddit; Vahé Torossian, corporate vice president of Microsoft’s Worldwide Small and Mid-market Solutions and Partners (SMS&P) organization; Katherine Safarian from Pixar, and an Oscar recipient; Zareh Nalbandian co‐founder and CEO of Animal Logic, one of the world’s leaders in digital animation; and many others.

The opportunities that are available are huge. For example, WhatsApp Messenger, a cross-platform mobile messaging app, was recently acquired by Facebook for $19 billion.

Armenia’s most valuable commodity is before us, we just need to open our eyes.

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Obama Once again Fails to Recognize Genocide

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 Below is President Barack Obama’s April 24 statement, which the Armenian Weekly received from the White House Press Office. Reacting to the statement, ANCA Executive Director Aram Hamparian said, “It’s a sad spectacle to see our President, who came into office having promised to recognize the Armenian Genocide, reduced to enforcing a foreign government’s gag-rule on what our country can say about a genocide so very thoroughly documented in our own nation’s archives.”

***

Statement by the President on Armenian Remembrance Day

President Obama

President Obama

Today we commemorate the Meds Yeghern and honor those who perished in one of the worst atrocities of the 20th century.  We recall the horror of what happened ninety-nine years ago, when 1.5 million Armenians were massacred or marched to their deaths in the final days of the Ottoman Empire, and we grieve for the lives lost and the suffering endured by those men, women, and children.   We are joined in solemn commemoration by millions in the United States and across the world.   In so doing, we remind ourselves of our shared commitment to ensure that such dark chapters of human history are never again repeated.
I have consistently stated my own view of what occurred in 1915, and my view has not changed.  A full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the facts is in all of our interests.  Peoples and nations grow stronger, and build a foundation for a more just and tolerant future, by acknowledging and reckoning with painful elements of the past.  We continue to learn this lesson in the United States, as we strive to reconcile some of the darkest moments in our own history.   We recognize and commend the growing number of courageous Armenians and Turks who have already taken this path, and encourage more to do so, with the backing of their governments, and mine.  And we recall with pride the humanitarian efforts undertaken by the American Committee for Syrian and Armenian Relief, funded by donations from Americans, which saved the lives of countless Armenians and others from vulnerable communities displaced in 1915.

As we honor through remembrance those Armenian lives that were unjustly taken in 1915, we are inspired by the extraordinary courage and great resiliency of the Armenian people in the face of such tremendous adversity and suffering.  I applaud the countless contributions that Armenian-Americans have made to American society, culture, and communities.  We share a common commitment to supporting the Armenian people as they work to build a democratic, peaceful, and prosperous nation.

Today, our thoughts and prayers are with Armenians everywhere, as we recall the horror of the Meds Yeghern, honor the memory of those lost, and reaffirm our enduring commitment to the people of Armenia and to the principle that such atrocities must always be remembered if we are to prevent them from occurring ever again.

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ANCA Statement on Obama’s Failure to Recognize Armenian Genocide

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WASHINGTON, DC—Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) Executive Director Aram Hamparian issued the following statement regarding President Barack Obama’s April 24th “Armenian Remembrance Day” message, which once against stops short of properly characterizing the crime as “genocide.”

“President Obama continues to outsource his policy on the Armenian Genocide, effectively granting Turkey a veto over America’s response to this crime against humanity.”

“It’s a sad spectacle to see our President, who came into office having promised to recognize the Armenian Genocide, reduced to enforcing a foreign government’s gag-rule on what our country can say about a genocide so very thoroughly documented in our own nation’s archives.”

“The fact remains that any durable improvement in Armenian-Turkish relations will require that Ankara end its denials, accept its moral and material responsibilities, and agree to a truthful and just international resolution of this still unpunished crime against all humanity.”

“While we do note that the President chose to join in today’s national remembrance, we remain profoundly disappointed that he has, once again, retreated from his own promises and fallen short of the principled stand taken by previous presidents. For our part, we remain committed to aligning U.S. policy on the Armenian Genocide—and all genocides—with the core values and humanitarian spirit of the American people.”

Read President Barack Obama’s full statement here.

 

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Easter in Syria

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“Easter is supposed to be tomorrow, but it doesn’t feel like Easter. Before even thinking what shoes to wear, they lost their feet. They lost their little hands that used to color the Easter eggs every year before the bloody mortars came knocking at their school gate. Why? Just because they decided to go to school that day,” said Ghattas Eid from Maaloula, about the bombing of the Armenian Catholic School on April 15 in Damascus. “They could’ve been my children or anyone else’s children. It is just a matter of being in the wrong place at the wrong time. Happy Easter? I don’t think so.”

Easter in Aleppo

Easter in Aleppo

In the most difficult of circumstances, Armenians celebrated Easter across the different cities of Syria. After three years of hell in Syria, they continue to embrace their cultural identity and retain their faith.

Thousands gather for Easter Sunday Mass at St. Asdvadzadzin in Aleppo.

Thousands gather for Easter Sunday Mass at St. Asdvadzadzin in Aleppo.

Syrian Armenians at the St. Astvadzadzin Church Hall in Aleppo.

Syrian Armenians at the St. Astvadzadzin Church Hall in Aleppo.

Sunday School children of the Armenian Evangelical Martyrs' Church (Nahadagatz) in Aleppo

Sunday School children of the Armenian Evangelical Martyrs’ Church (Nahadagatz) in Aleppo

Who will win the egg tapping?

Who will win the egg tapping?

We are all winners when we are united!

We are all winners when we are united!

At Easter Sunday Mass, Rev. Haroutioun Selimian honors the consul general of the Republic of Armenia, Garen Krikorian with a Silver Plate at the Armenian Evangelical Bethel Church of Aleppo. (See www.youtube.com/watch?v=MI48LbBI2bE&feature=share)

At Easter Sunday Mass, Rev. Haroutioun Selimian honors the consul general of the Republic of Armenia, Garen Krikorian with a Silver Plate at the Armenian Evangelical Bethel Church of Aleppo. (See www.youtube.com/watch?v=MI48LbBI2bE&feature=share)

Easter Sunday Mass at St. Hagop Church in Qamishli

Easter Sunday Mass at St. Hagop Church in Qamishli

Hundreds gather at St. Hagop Church in Qamishli to celebrate Easter.

Hundreds gather at St. Hagop Church in Qamishli to celebrate Easter.

Easter Sunday Mass in Latakia. The president of Haigazian University, Rev. Paul Haidotsian, visits the displaced of Kessab in Latakia.

Easter Sunday Mass in Latakia. The president of Haigazian University, Rev. Paul Haidotsian, visits the displaced of Kessab in Latakia.

Hundreds gather to hear Rev. Paul Haidotsian’s sermon during Easter Sunday Mass.

Hundreds gather to hear Rev. Paul Haidotsian’s sermon during Easter Sunday Mass.

The post Easter in Syria appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

WHS Students Remember Genocide, Help Rural Armenia

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By Siran Tamakian

WATERTOWN, Mass.—Watertown High School (WHS) is the only public school in the United States that offers Armenian as a foreign language. Aside from learning how to read, write, and speak (in four progressive levels, Armenian I, II, III, and IV), and about Armenian culture and history, the students also strive to educate the entire student body and staff about issues important to Armenians. Each year, for example, the Armenian class prepares posters and bulletin boards to commemorate the Armenian Genocide, which remain on display in the main entrance of the school for the entire month of April.

The "Armenian Wall of Fame"

The “Armenian Wall of Fame” (Photo by Nanore Barsoumian)

At the center of the "Armenian Wall of Fame," these words.

At the center of the “Armenian Wall of Fame,” these words. (Photo by Nanore Barsoumian)

This year, WHS students have designed one wall that displays the countries that have acknowledged the genocide, and asks why the U.S. still has not. Other posters call for recognition and justice. Still another display, called the “Armenian Wall of Fame,” honors the contributions of Armenians in the fields of science, education, arts, medicine, and technology. At the center of the display is a statement asking viewers to imagine how many more inventions and contributions Armenians could have made had the genocide not been planned.

The majority of the Armenian-language class students are also members of the high school’s Armenian Club. In February, the club raised enough money to buy medical supplies and pay for doctors to go to two remote villages in Armenia this summer. Last year, the club was successful in supplying medical care to one village. The funds will allow these doctors to examine each and every villager with both physical and mental examinations, to supply medication as needed, to use portable X-ray machines, and to conduct lab tests.

WHS students have designed one wall that displays the countries that have acknowledged the genocide, and asks why the U.S. still has not.

WHS students have designed one wall that displays the countries that have acknowledged the genocide, and asks why the U.S. still has not. (Photo by Nanore Barsoumian)

In March, the Armenian Club participated in the annual diversity week activities held in the cafeteria. Students were able to look at Armenian art, listen to Armenian music, participate in an “Armenia Knowledge” quiz, and sign their names to a poster calling for international recognition of the genocide. The club plans on continuing its fundraising efforts and promoting awareness about Armenian culture and identity.

Siran Tamakian is the school’s Armenian-language teacher and Armenian Club advisor. Seta Sullivan has also played an important role in securing the medical supplies and arranging for the health check-ups of villagers in Armenia.

A poster, signed by dozens of students, urges "all nations" to recognize the Armenian Genocide.

A poster, signed by dozens of students, urges “all nations” to recognize the Armenian Genocide. (Photo by Nanore Barsoumian)

 

The post WHS Students Remember Genocide, Help Rural Armenia appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

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