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Armenian Pavilion to Be Featured in Book Expo America 2015

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NEW YORK—For the first time, Armenia will take part in Book Expo America (BEA), the leading book and author event for the North American publishing industry.

The Armenian Pavilion in BEA will showcase Armenian heritage through writings that form part of a long-standing tradition and culture.

Books recently published in Armenia and abroad will be represented in the pavilion, with great importance given to books on the Armenian Genocide published all over the world. Publishers and booksellers from Armenia, as well as the Ambassador to the U.S. Tigran Sargsyan, will also participate.

Cover of Karanian’s Historic Armenia

The opening of the Armenian Pavilion in BEA will be on Wed., May 27 at 3 p.m., and will feature author presentations and readings by Matthew Karanian, Scout Tufankjian, Anna Astvatsaturian Turcotte, Dana Walroth, Nancy Kricorian, Marian Mesrobian MacCurdy, and Sona Van. (See below for a summary of their works.)

This participation in Book Expo America is supported by the State Commission on Coordination of the events for the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide.

BEA combines the largest selection of English-language titles and is the largest gathering of booksellers, librarians, retailers, and book industry professionals in North America. This year, BEA has more than 2,000 exhibits, 500 authors, over 60 conference sessions.

Cover of Tufankjian’s There is Only the Earth

BEA’s conference program will begin at 9 a.m. on Wed., May 27, with the show floor opening at 1 p.m. and closing at 5:30 p.m. In addition to Wednesday afternoon, the exhibit floor will be open from 9 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. on Thurs., May 28, and from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. on Fri., May 29.

BEA this year also welcomes China as the Global Market Forum guest of honor. Global Market Forum is part of the BEA Content & Digital Conference and is open to all BEA. Its delegation will include more than 100 of the most important Chinese publishing houses and groups attendees. China will hold a series of panels where participants will discuss the Chinese publishing market and explore ways publishers can work with Chinese companies.

BEA 2015 will take place at the Javits Centre, 655 W 34th St., New York. For more information, e-mail info@mincult.am.

Presentations in the Armenian Pavilion

In Historic Armenia After 100 Years, author Matthew Karanian celebrates the Armenia that has avoided destruction: its monuments, churches, and people—the hidden Armenians who have persevered in the face of persecution. Historic Armenia After 100 Years is the product of several years of research and photography. The book’s 176 pages are illustrated with 125 color photographs and maps, including antique photos from a century ago.

In There is Only the Earth, Images from the Armenian Diaspora Project, author Scout Tufankjian shows the life of Armenians who survived the Armenian Genocide and settled in a new country. Tufankjian is famous for her work during President Barack Obama’s presidential campaign.

Cover of Turcotte’s Nowhere

Nowhere, a Story of Exile by Anna Astvatsaturian Turcotte is a riveting, heart-wrenching story told through a personal medium—the diary entries of a young girl documenting the organized terror in Baku, Azerbaijan, her life as a refugee, and her struggle to find herself—all against the backdrop of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Astvatsaturian Turcotte gives a voice to a horrific tragedy little reported in the West, to the Armenian population of Azerbaijan and to the child victims of ethnic cleansing everywhere.

Like Water on Stone by Dana Walroth is an intense survival story of three siblings caught up in the horrific events of the Armenian Genocide. Walroth is a writer, poet, artist, Fulbright Scholar, and second-generation Armenian American, and is committed to the movement for reconciliation between Turkey and Armenia. She was a participant of “Literary Ark.April” International Literal Festival.

Cover of Kricorian’s All the Light There Was

All the Light There Was by Nancy Kricorian is the story of an Armenian family’s struggle to survive the Nazi occupation of Paris in the 1940’s. It is a lyrical, finely wrought tale of loyalty, love, and the many faces of resistance. Part of the story is about how those values, which support individuals and communities in troubled times, can also trap a person.

Cover of Macurdy’s Sacred Justice

Sacred Justice by Marian Mesrobian MacCurdy is a cross-genre book that uses narrative, memoir, unpublished letters, and other primary and secondary sources to tell the story of a group of Armenian men who organized Operation Nemesis, a covert operation created to assassinate the Turkish architects of the Armenian Genocide.

Libretto for the Desert by Sona Van contains poems about wars and genocide and is exclusively dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. U.S. Congressman Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), a longtime friend of the Armenian Genocide issue, who in the past recognized Sona Van as a literary bridge between nations, writes about this book: “History feeds us with numbers and facts but only the true poet can present true human condition and to connect our hearts with real human suffering. Sona Van’s poetry enables the reader to understand and to condemn wars and genocides.”

The post Armenian Pavilion to Be Featured in Book Expo America 2015 appeared first on Armenian Weekly.


Armenian Genocide Centennial Commemorated in Central Virginia

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By Marni Pilafian

RICHMOND, Va.—The month of April was busy in Central Virginia with many commemorative events taking place to honor the victims of the Armenian Genocide, educate the wider community, and ensure that such atrocities are never repeated in the future.

The eight-member Armenian Genocide Centennial Committee of Central Virginia (AGCCCV) was formed under the guidance of Father Mesrob Hovsepyan, who had encouraged members to spearhead events in the region. The small but vibrant Armenian church of 125 active members made a big impact within the community as well as in all of Virginia through various events.

A scene from the Church Prayer Service (Photo: Marni Pilafian)

“There is a sea change in awareness of the Armenian Genocide,” wrote Khoren Bandazian, a native of Richmond and chairman of the Armenian Genocide Centennial Committee of America, Eastern Region, in a letter to the committee. “While these national and international events dominate the media, it is the local community events that can have the most lasting impact. For a small community, you do big things and it does not go unnoticed.”

Visit to Virginia Council of Churches

In November 2014, Bedros Bandazian and Sona Kerneklian Pomfret, both members of the AGCCCV, asked the Virginia Council of Churches to join the Centennial commemoration. The Council agreed to participate and issued a proclamation to help raise awareness of the Armenian Genocide and prevent future atrocities. The Reverend Jonathan Barton, General Minister of the Virginia Council of Churches, requested that all member churches of the Virginia Council of Churches, on Sun., April 19, pray en masse from their own pulpits for the souls of the victims of the Armenian Genocide and for all genocide victims and their surviving families, past and present.

Visit to Congressman Dave Brat’s Office

The Armenian National Committee (ANC) of Richmond visited Congressman Dave Brat’s district office on March 30. The delegation consisted of Melanie Bandazian Kerneklian, Dr. Murad Kerneklian, Bedros Bandazian, Sona Kerneklian Pomfret, and Dr. Paul Mazmanian. During the meeting, ANC of Virginia leaders acquainted Congressman Brat with the Armenian-American policy priorities, such as the Armenian Genocide Truth and Justice Resolution H.Res. 154, and ensuring the right to self-determination of the people of Artsakh.

Visit to Richmond City Hall: Honored with a Proclamation

On April 13, Richmond Mayor Dwight Jones and the City Council of Richmond proclaimed April 24th, 2015 “Armenian Remembrance Day” in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. Members of the City Council and the mayor, in the chambers of Richmond City Hall, stated their desire to unite in solidarity to officially recognize, honor, and celebrate all Richmond residents of Armenian heritage. The Honorable Jonathan T. Baliles, District City councilman and sponsor of the proclamation, stated, “I am proud to represent the many residents of Armenian descent of the Richmond community and of St. James Armenian Church, which is in my district. The Richmond Armenian community is an important part of our business, faith, and cultural enhancement for the City of Richmond, Virginia.”

A group photo after the Proclamation was awarded at Richmond City Hall (Photo: Marni Pilafian)

The Proclamation was accepted by Bedros Bandazian, representing the ANC of Virginia. Also accepting was Sona Kerneklian Pomfret of the AGCCCV, and Robert M. Norris, chairperson of the St. James Armenian Church Parish Council.

“What you see happening in the Middle East, the decimating of Christians and other religious minorities, is a repeat of what happened in 1915. Man’s inhumanity to man must stop,” implored Bandazian. “One person killed is a crime. 1.5 million killed is a genocide. We must learn from the past in order to prevent genocide and move forward to reconcile these crimes.”

Church Prayer Service and Luncheon

On April 18, 12 diverse multi-denominational religious leaders participated in the Ecumenical Service at Saint James Armenian Church, in memory of those who perished in the Armenian Genocide. The Very Reverend (and Vicar) Hayr Simeon Odabashian led the service and welcomed each religious participant to the podium. The tone of the event was global. Man’s inhumanity to man was part of this theme of “Awareness, Unity, and Gratitude.” The Virginia Council of Churches, led by general minister Jonathan Barton, also publicly launched the shared prayer throughout the Commonwealth to all its member churches on Sunday April 19th, to pray for the victims and their families of the Armenian Genocide and to pray for the end of genocide in every corner of the globe.

On April 18, 12 diverse multi-denominational religious leaders participated in the Ecumenical Service at Saint James Armenian Church (Photo: Marni Pilafian)

At the luncheon, Hayr Odabashian welcomed all of the religious leaders and four visiting Virginia politicians. His benediction was a blessing “to raise up a united prayer for a just and humane world, where respect and kindness rule everywhere.”

Congressman Dave Brat at the Ecumenical Luncheon (Photo: Marni Pilafian)

Aram Hamparian, the executive director of the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA), gave the keynote address. “This should be a time of solemn mourning for Armenians,” he said, “but instead it is a time of frustration, fighting with Turkey to express the truth. The United States is a less safe place when there is denial. If America accepts denial as a foreign policy, it is siding with evil. Let’s work to put America on the right side of the issue.”

Congressman Brat also spoke at the Ecumenical Centennial Commemoration Luncheon. “I was a former seminary student. I understand the morality and ethics of this historical situation. It is because of the issue of genocide that I had decided to run for Congress. And that is why I have co-sponsored the Armenian Genocide Truth and Justice Resolution [H.Res. 154].”

 

Visit to VCU: Music and a Genocide Scholar

On April 23, at least 60 members of the Richmond Armenian community attended one or both events at Virginia Commonwealth University (VCU), sponsored by Dr. Mayda Topoushian, a professor at VCU in the School of World Studies and in the Department of Political Science, and faculty advisor to the Armenian Students’ Association. She had invited the Middle Eastern Music Ensemble from William and Mary College to perform, led by Dr. Anne Rasmussen, director, an ethnomusicologist, who also soloed on her oud.

Dr. Paul Bartrop (Photo: Marni Pilafian)

After a brief reception, internationally renowned resident genocide scholar and VCU Political Science Professor Dr. Herbert Hirsch introduced his esteemed colleague, visiting award-winning scholar Dr. Paul Bartrop, director of the Center for Judaic, Holocaust, and Genocide Studies at Florida Gulf Coast University.

“The Armenian Genocide is as relevant today as it was in the 20th century, “ said Bartrop. “Why bother to remember these horrible events? Because they are still going on. The Armenian Genocide began in 1915, the Jewish Holocaust in 1942, Biafra in the 1970’s, and in more recent times, Cambodia, Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur, Burundi. Today there are ongoing conflicts resulting in unresolved genocides in Syria, Sudan, Congo, and the Central African Republic. Intolerance is still with us.”

A candlelight vigil took place immediately after the talk, led by the Armenian students of VCU. Professors Bartrop, Hirsch, and Topoushian each held a lit candle while the Lord’s Prayer (“Hayr Mer”) was recited in Armenian by the VCU Armenian students, members of the Richmond Genocide Commemoration Committee, and other visitors. This quiet vigil ended the night of remembrance. Guests held a candle’s light to brighten their path to meet our goals of peace and recognition for the future.

Ecumenical Luncheon Keynote Aram Hamparian (Photo: Marni Pilafian)

Presenting the Liberty Award to ANCA members Melanie Kerneklian, Bedros Bandazian, and Dr. Murad Kerneklian (Photo: Marni Pilafian)

 

Father Odabashian (Photo: Marni Pilafian)

Florence Soghoian, reading an excerpt from her book, ‘Portrait of a Survivor.’ (Photo: Marni Pilafian)

The post Armenian Genocide Centennial Commemorated in Central Virginia appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Choosing ‘Co-Resistance’ Rather than ‘Turkish-Armenian Dialogue’

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Competing Narratives of Suffering

The Armenian Weekly Magazine
April 2015: A Century of Resistance

A global non-governmental and governmental regime has arisen to promote “dialogue,” “reconciliation,” and various “peace processes” among peoples in conflict. I have no abstract objection to any of these terms or practices. In fact, dialogue and negotiation are laudable activities to be used as a means of settling disputes. What I object to are “people-to-people” programs that do not address the power imbalance between communities in conflict, between perpetrators and victims, and do not set as a precondition for their interactions a shared basis in historical truth.

There is government and foundation money to be had in running and participating in these programs, but “dialogue” and “coexistence” efforts have been codified and even industrialized in such a way that they sometimes inflict emotional and political harm on the people they are ostensibly meant to help. What happens when a “dialogue” session devolves into the telling of competing narratives of suffering? What happens when these competing narratives are seen only as individual stories of trauma removed from the political and historical contexts from whence they arose? I believe it is the moral and political duty of all involved to recognize and to address these contexts.

Why Can’t We All Just Get Along?

In the case of the Israeli and Palestinian conflict, the rhetoric of “peaceful coexistence” has often been used to undermine and criminalize Palestinian resistance to Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza and to the discriminatory treatment of Palestinian citizens of Israel. Many Palestinians reject coexistence programs and initiatives because of the way these efforts refuse to acknowledge the vastly unequal underlying power dynamic between the two peoples and in fact “normalize” the system of oppression under which Palestinians live in both Israel and the Occupied Palestinian territories. As an alternative, some Palestinian activists have promoted the idea of “co-resistance.”

Hundreds of Palestinians and Israelis demonstrate at the Qalandia checkpoint in northern Jerusalem in support of Palestinian independence. (Photo: Sheikh Jarrah Solidarity Movement)

Members of anti-occupation, pro-equality Israeli Jewish groups join the ongoing weekly non-violent protests in villages such as Bil’in and Nabi Saleh in the Occupied West Bank. Boycott from Within, a diverse group of citizens of Israel, advocates for the Palestinian-led Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) Movement in support of Palestinian rights. Sheikh Jarrah Solidarity, a grassroots solidarity movement working towards civil equality in Israel and for an end to the Israeli occupation, was named for a neighborhood in East Jerusalem that is being colonized by violent, right-wing Israeli settlers with the aid of the Israeli government. Sheikh Jarrah Solidarity organized weekly protests between 2010-12 in support of Palestinians who were being evicted from their homes and displaced by Israeli settlers. The photography collective Active Stills, whose members document anti-occupation protests, includes photojournalists who are Israeli, Palestinian, and international.

One hopes that this model of working together can be furthered in Israel and Palestine, as well as replicated in other situations of oppression. With a common analysis of the problems and a mutual commitment to redress, it is possible for people from opposing sides of a conflict to work together for a shared future, not simply a rehearsal of a painful past.

Removing Splinters of Glass with Tweezers

In my own work as a Palestine solidarity activist, I have watched with admiration as members of Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) have labored within their own communities to help undo a false narrative about Israel as “a land without a people for a people without a land.” Many American Jews were taught that the birth of Israel was an experiment in social justice, when in fact that nation-state was founded upon the mass dispossession and ethnic cleansing of its indigenous Palestinian population. Most, if not all, nation-states were predicated upon the rejection, ejection, and erasure of minority and indigenous populations. For example, the United States was created through genocide against American Indians and its wealth was built upon the enslavement of Africans. Modern Turkey was founded through the expulsion of Greeks, the mass murder of Armenians and Assyrians, and the attempted forced assimilation of Kurds.

All nation-states hide these crimes behind nationalist foundation myths that lionize the perpetrators and dehumanize the victims. Citizens are then indoctrinated with these myths that become central to collective and individual identity. Undoing the indoctrination is for many a sad, painful, and lonely experience, but JVP provides a safe and welcoming space in which to do it. I have often thought that the process is akin to someone removing splinters of glass from their skin with a pair of tweezers. Some of these splinters are racist ideas and attitudes that are best examined within the group. Palestinians, for example, should not be held responsible for educating American and Israeli Jews any more than black Americans should feel required to undertake the education of white people who are dealing with their internalized racism.

In my work with the Occupy Wall Street movement here in New York City, I was impressed by the White Allies Working Group, whose main purpose was to educate white Occupy activists so that their often-unexamined assumptions and attitudes would not be a burden to black and other activists of color in the movement. Undoing racist indoctrination—even the kindest variety of liberal racism—is also akin to removing splinters of glass with a pair of tweezers, but there is no reason for people who suffer the consequences of that racism to witness and to share your pain.

Rejecting Dialogue in Favor of Conversation and Co-Resistance

This same principle is at play for me in Turkish-Armenian dialogue efforts. Let the progressive, enlightened Turks—those who have recognized and undone the false narratives about Armenians and the history of the founding of Turkey that they were fed in school and in the mainstream media in Turkey—do the hard work of educating their peers. Once each individual has managed to take apart and cart away the denialist propaganda hindering true communication, then we Armenians can engage in conversation with these like-minded citizens of Turkey. We can further join with them in co-resistance efforts, such as the two that I have been involved with in the past year.

An activist holding poet Daniel Varoujan’s photo at one of the commemoration events in Istanbul. (Photo: Khatchig Mouradian)

In September 2014, I spent a week in Istanbul with a group of feminist academics, artists, and activists as a part of Columbia University’s Women Mobilizing Memory Workshop. Participants were from New York City, Santiago, and Istanbul, and the week was filled with discussions, lectures, and presentations about mass trauma, memorialization, and action for change. The topics we addressed were varied and included the Holocaust, the Pinochet dictatorship, the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center, the Armenian Genocide, the enforced disappearances of Kurds in the 1990’s, and the Dersim Massacre, among others. The Istanbul-based participants without exception used the term genocide in discussing what had happened to the Armenians in the final days of the Ottoman Empire, which was a tremendous relief to me. I didn’t have to “dialogue” or argue to prove what had occurred—we were able to engage in substantive conversations about history, historiography, and possible future amends.

For the past six months, I have been working on Project 2015, an effort to organize a mass fly-in of Armenians to Istanbul for the Centennial Commemoration of the Armenian Genocide. Our board is comprised primarily of Armenian-American scholars and professionals with a few Turkish Americans as well. We have partnered with human rights and civil society activists in Turkey who are helping us to navigate the permitting processes and local politics so that our joint events are respectful and secure. We have received some criticisms from Armenians in the diaspora and in Yerevan, suggesting that we are the “dupes” of our partners in Turkey, or that by going to Istanbul we are offering ourselves like “lambs to the slaughter.” But I firmly believe in the rightness of our efforts and the trustworthiness of our team. I am also committed to standing as a witness against denial and erasure with like-minded citizens of Turkey—Turks, Kurds, Greeks, Jews, Assyrians, and Armenians—as we memorialize the victims and the survivors of the Armenian Genocide. This is co-resistance.

The post Choosing ‘Co-Resistance’ Rather than ‘Turkish-Armenian Dialogue’ appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Istanbul Protesters Demand Camp Armen Return

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ISTANBUL (A.W.) – The Nor Zartonk Armenian youth movement of Istanbul held a solidarity demonstration in Istanbul on May 22, calling on authorities to stop the demolition of Camp Armen and urging the return of the confiscated property to the Armenian community.

Over a thousand demonstrators gathered at the Beyoğlu Tünel Square on Istiklal Street to voice their concern over the fate of the historic Armenian camp, including Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) municipal candidate Murad Mıhçı.

A scene from the protest (Photo: ‘Kamp Armen Yıkılmasın’ Facebook page)

Demonstrators held signs in Turkish saying “Give Camp Armen back to the Foundation,” “Camp Armen belongs to Armenians,” as well as other slogans.

A statement released by Nor Zartonk that was read at the demonstration, said that the group will continue their protest actions until the camp’s deed is transferred to the Gedikpaşa Armenian Protestant Church Foundation. “This is not just a building; it is a historic struggle for justice,” read Sayat Tekir, member of the Nor Zartonk movement, adding “our resistance will continue until Camp Armen’s deed is returned to the [Gedikpaşa Armenian Protestant Church] Foundation.”

A scene from the protest (Photo: ‘Kamp Armen Yıkılmasın’ Facebook page)

The camp had been marked for demolition to make room for luxury residential buildings. Yet, soon after the demolition began on May 6, work was halted when concerned citizens intervened. Protesters have since held a live-in demonstration at Camp Armen, which is now in its 17th day.

On May 20, the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) started an action alert calling on the public to urge Congress to support swift U.S. action against Turkey’s destruction of Camp Armen, the former summer camp located in the Tuzla district of Istanbul, which provided asylum for Armenian orphans until 1983.

The state seized the camp from the Gedikpaşa Armenian Protestant Church Foundation in 1987, after the Turkish Court of Cassation approved a decree by the local court. The state later gave the land to a previous owner on the basis of a 1936 declaration.

The camp was once home to around 1,500 children, including the late Hrant Dink, his wife Rakel, and Parliamentarian Erol Dora. It had been left abandoned for years following its seizure.

The post Istanbul Protesters Demand Camp Armen Return appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Camp Armen to Be Returned to Armenians?

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ISTANBUL (A.W.)—Fatih Ulusoy, the current owner of Camp Armen, said on May 23 that he would sign the transfer of the property over to the Gedikpaşa Armenian Protestant Foundation. Camp Armen is the former summer camp located in the Tuzla district of Istanbul that provided asylum for Armenian orphans until 1983. Ulusoy’s statement came after weeks of protests by local activists on the camp grounds, demanding that the site, which faced demolition, be returned to its Armenian owners.

The children of Camp Armen with Hrant Guzelian (standing, right), the founder of the camp

In response to Ulusoy’s statement, Nor Zartonk, the Armenian youth movement in Istanbul that is at the forefront of protest actions demanding the return of the property to the foundation, vowed to continue the struggle until the deed was successfully transferred to the Armenians. “We shall not leave Camp Armen until the land title and related property rights are entirely transferred to the foundation,” they declared.

On May 22, Nor Zartonk held a solidarity demonstration in Istanbul that called on authorities to stop the demolition of Camp Armen and urged the return of the confiscated property to the Armenian community.

Over 1,000 demonstrators gathered at the Beyoğlu Tünel Square on Istiklal Street to voice their concern over the fate of the historic Armenian camp, including Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) municipal candidate Murad Mıhçı.

Demonstrators held signs in Turkish that read, “Give Camp Armen back to the Foundation” and “Camp Armen belongs to Armenians.”

Protesters held a live-in demonstration at Camp Armen

The camp had been marked for demolition to make room for luxury residential buildings. Yet, soon after the demolition began on May 6, work was halted when concerned citizens intervened. Protesters held a live-in demonstration at Camp Armen.

On May 20, the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) started an action alert calling on the public to urge Congress to support swift U.S. action against Turkey’s destruction of Camp Armen.

The state seized the camp from the Gedikpaşa Armenian Protestant Church Foundation in 1987, after the Turkish Court of Cassation approved a decree by the local court. The state later gave the land to a previous owner on the basis of a 1936 declaration.

The camp was once home to around 1,500 children, including the late Hrant Dink, his wife Rakel, and Parliamentarian Erol Dora. It had been left abandoned for years following its seizure.

Below is Nor Zartonk’s May 23 statement:

Declaration on Camp Armen

Dear friends, comrades from all around the world and Today, in the 18th day of our Camp Armen resistance, the current property owner of the camp, Fatih Ulusoy, has just declared that he would transfer property rights of the camp to the Gedikpaşa Armenian Protestant Foundation. To the press, the national and international community, which have been watching and supporting our resistance, we once again declare that our struggle will continue, and we shall not leave Camp Armen until the land title and related property rights are entirely transferred to the Foundation. We will not end our struggle for Camp Armen until the transfer of property rights, the formal process of land title registration, are officially completed.

Also, we want to remind [the public] that the issue of confiscation, destruction, and usurpation of Armenian premises, properties, and works of Armenian cultural heritage by the state is not limited to Camp Armen. Hundreds of other establishments, buildings, churches, schools, and private and collectively owned properties that have belonged to the Armenian people have shared the same fate as Camp Armen. A solution for these premises cannot be attempted through individual efforts; rather we must proceed collectively, and along with the political demands of the Armenian people.

We once again declare that Camp Armen is, and will, serve as a precedent for further struggles for these confiscated, illegally usurped, and destroyed entities, as well as the social, cultural, and political being of the Armenian people in Turkey. We once again call for the support and solidarity of all concerned parties and of the international community in our struggle to raise the demands of the Armenian people, and to ask the state and political authorities to fulfill their duties in securing the legal completion of the transfer of property rights for all these premises. Until then, we will continue our resistance for Camp Armen.

In solidarity,

NOR ZARTONK

 

The post Camp Armen to Be Returned to Armenians? appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Book Review: ‘Operation Nemesis: The Assassination Plot That Avenged the Armenian Genocide’

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Operation Nemesis: The Assassination Plot That Avenged the Armenian Genocide 

By Eric Bogosian
Little, Brown and Company, New York (April 21, 2015), 384 pages
ISBN 978-0316292085; Hardcover, $28.00

Special for the Armenian Weekly

Over the years, the story of Operation Nemesis, the clandestine plot to assassinate the chief architects of the Armenian Genocide, had been told with a certain cloud of mystery and ambiguity hanging over it. While the topic had been discussed and written about in parts, authors were generally hesitant to present an all-encompassing understanding of the often-ignored, true story of Nemesis. Moreover, nearly a century after the project was carried out, the topic continues to remain somewhat taboo in the Armenian community.

Cover of Operation Nemesis

Fast forward to 2015, the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide, which has already seen the publication of several books and volumes that deal with various aspects of the operation. From Marian Mesrobian MacCurdy’s Sacred Justice: The Voices and Legacy of the Armenian Operation Nemesis, which includes narratives, selections from memoirs, and previously unpublished letters, to the graphic novel Operation Nemesis: A Story of Genocide & Revenge by Josh Blaylock (author), Mark Powers (editor), and Hoyt Silva (illustrator), the 100th anniversary of the genocide seems to have provided the perfect opportunity for authors to shed light on the sometimes-murky details of this historical quest for justice.

Renowned actor, novelist, and playwright Eric Bogosian first heard about the assassination of Talaat Pasha about two decades ago. According to Bogosian, the story struck him as “wishful thinking,” which was far from the truth—an Armenian urban legend, of sorts. After some research and investigation, though, Bogosian quickly realized that not only had the assassination taken place, but that it was part of a much more complicated history of secrecy.

Bogosian thought Tehlirian’s story would make a good film, so he decided to dedicate a few months to writing the screenplay. The few months would snowball into more than seven years of meticulous research and study. The result: Operation Nemesis: The Assassination Plot That Avenged the Armenian Genocide, a 384-page, in-depth history of the conspiracy.

Published in April by Little, Brown and Company, Bogosian’s book aims to go “beyond simply telling the story of this cadre of Armenian assassins by setting the killings in the context of Ottoman and Armenian history.” And it holds true to this promise.

In part one of the three-part book, Bogosian brilliantly paints a thorough picture of Armenian history, with a particular focus on the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire before and during the Armenian Genocide. By drawing on a number of academic and non-academic sources, including several primary sources, such as newspaper articles, memoirs, and letters from the time, Bogosian provides his reader a concise, yet wide-ranging historical context for the operation.

While some may feel that Bogosian dedicates too much of the book to historical background, it seems to be a wise decision on the part of the author, as most readers do not have a sufficient understanding of Armenian history.

In part two of the book, Bogosian details the origins of Nemesis, the story of the assassination of Talaat Pasha, and gives insight into its immediate aftermath. Bogosian does this fiercely, sparing little detail. By employing Tehlirian as his protagonist, he vividly describes the inner-workings of the covert operation, while giving readers an intimate look into a young survivor’s post-traumatic inner world.

Bogosian’s description of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation’s (ARF) role as the parent organization of Operation Nemesis is refreshing and crucial, considering it is often ignored or discussed in passing in other English-language works examining the operation. Bogosian openly writes about how the ARF aimed to exploit the assassination strategically to bring international attention to the Armenian Genocide, a reality rarely written about in the past.

Finally, Bogosian brings in a completely ignored facet of the Nemesis story: international intelligence in the context of the plot. Bogosian provides much evidence, for example, that British Intelligence at the time knew exactly where Talaat Pasha was, while in hiding in Berlin.

While part two of the book is captivating to read, it is also straightforward and balanced. Bogosian is careful not to follow the traditional typecast of heroizing Tehlirian (and later, his co-conspirators). Instead, he is able to provide a sober description of the operation in an in-depth and well-explained context.

Many critics, especially those from the Armenian community, will be quick to point to Bogosian’s overuse of the term “assassin” to characterize Tehlirian and his fellow collaborators, and may accuse him of trying to downplay their significance in history. However, Bogosian’s choice to characterize them as such can be considered fair, considering the word “assassin” is defined as “a murderer of an important person in a surprise attack for political or religious reasons.” And that’s exactly what Tehlirian and the rest of the gang were.

In his conclusion, Bogosian points out that the members of Operation Nemesis saw themselves as “holy warriors” carrying out more of a spiritual, rather than strictly political, calling to exact “some fraction of justice” for the destruction of a nation.

Bogosian closes off his masterpiece with the hopes that more serious scholarship examines the “memories we are losing” and the “history we’ve lost,” including the story of Operation Nemesis. What he ignores, however, is the fact that he himself has made a substantial and lasting contribution to the history of Operation Nemesis.

Bogosian’s Operation Nemesis is the result of painstaking and thorough investigation and research. Not only does he offer a comprehensive historical account of the plot, but also successfully changes the traditional narrative on one of the most important and most ignored aspects of post-genocide Armenian history.

The post Book Review: ‘Operation Nemesis: The Assassination Plot That Avenged the Armenian Genocide’ appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Power vs. Progress: The HDP’s ‘Threat’ of Democracy

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Special for the Armenian Weekly

One of the most persistent lies associated with the Armenian Genocide is the notion that Armenians were killed because of their desire to break away from the Ottoman Empire. Not only denialists but many mainstream commentators claim that the motivating factor behind the “relocations” and systematic massacres was Armenian aspirations for statehood.

We saw this fallacy repeated in much of the coverage during the 100th anniversary. Even when recognizing the facts of the genocide, journalists parrot the claim that Armenians “demanded national independence” and that this “proved to be deadly,” or that “Armenian radicals were threatening to side with Russia.”

Co-chairs of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), Selahattin Demirtas (L) and Figen Yuksekdag, attend a meeting in Istanbul on April 21 to announce their party’s manifesto for the upcoming general election. (Photo: Reuters)

The reality is that Armenians never called for independence from the Ottoman Empire. Quite the opposite. What they were calling for was democracy and constitutionalism.

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), the leading political entity in the Armenian world at the time, officially pushed for federalism in the Ottoman Empire. They supported the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 to usher in constitutional reform and equality among all nationalities. Their demands dealt with decentralization, parliamentarianism, universal suffrage, land reform, ethnic solidarity, and so on—not independence. Indeed, independence did not even enter the ARF platform until 1920, 2 years after the First Republic of Armenia was already established.

It was exactly because the Armenian leadership was the most fervent supporter of constitutionalism and equality within the Ottoman Empire that it became a target. The main aim of the genocide was to wipe out genuine democracy and centralize power, not counter so-called Armenian separatism.

A century later, the main issue in Turkey remains constitutional reform and freedom. Like his Armenian brethren before him, Hrant Dink was brutally gunned down in Istanbul on Jan. 19, 2007, simply for calling for what the ARF used to: equality and democracy. As such, the “1.5 million + 1” slogan that appeared after Dink’s death is very fitting. The genocide and its motivations continue unabated in Turkey as long as it does not acknowledge and atone for its crime.

Also like the Armenians before them, today it is the Kurds in Turkey who are championing the cause of popular democracy, constitutional reform, and decentralization. Like the Armenians before them, too, they are falsely being smeared as “separatists.” The similarities between the two minorities—and the threat of a replay of history—could not be more pronounced.

Since 2001, the official agenda of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), the main political force in the Kurdish world, has been dubbed Democratic Confederalism, a program of autonomous, self-governing administrative regions based on grassroots democracy. Far from championing independent statehood, this model promotes a progressive vision that specifically rejects the carving out of borders altogether.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan rallies supporters in the run up to the June 6 general election. He is seeking enough parliamentary seats to amend Turkey’s constitution in favor of a presidential system. (Photo: AA)

Furthermore, for the upcoming Turkish general elections on June 7, the Kurdish HDP (Peoples’ Democratic Party) is making it a point to transcend ethnic divisions and mobilize around social-democratic principles. HDP leader Selahattin Demirtas has sought to make the party a nationwide force that embraces left-leaning citizens, youth, and those seeking a more egalitarian, inclusive society. They are working hard to surpass Turkey’s stringent 10 percent election threshold to acquire seats in parliament this June.

As the Kurds are moving beyond parochial interests to become Turkey’s leading progressive force, the Turkish leadership is exhibiting signs of increased authoritarianism. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is now commonly referred to as the new “Sultan” for his drive to monopolize power, crack down on opponents, use demagogic language, and promise a return to the glory days of the Ottoman Empire. His main intention in the upcoming elections is to gain a majority in parliament so he can amend the country’s constitution from a parliamentary-based system to a presidential one, concentrating even greater power in his hands. The HDP stands as the biggest obstacle to his push for a parliamentary majority.

If the HDP fails to pass the 10 percent threshold, it will be left with no representation in parliament and an even greater autocratic government in power. Most analysts agree that this would raise the risk of a return to a hardline stance and possible armed conflict over the Kurdish issue. Throughout the 1980’s and 1990’s, such conflict resulted in the deaths of more than 30,000 people, millions of refugees, and the wiping out of hundreds of Kurdish villages in the country’s southeast. There is no telling what the scale of human loss would be if another campaign targeting the Kurds were to be reignited in Turkey.

Thus, as we approach the June 7 elections in Turkey, the choice between democracy and autocracy, coexistence and conflict seems quite clear. Contrary to propaganda, the Kurds are not trying to establish a separate Kurdistan. Instead, like the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, they are campaigning for a more genuinely democratic and constitutional Turkey. Unfortunately, such a movement may be seen as an even greater challenge to the power structure in Turkey than separatism ever was, risking the threat of greater conflict and targeting of the Kurds.

One hundred years after the Armenian Genocide, the dominant question in Turkey remains democratization and constitutionalism. The “Armenian Question” of the past has been replaced by the “Kurdish Question” of the present. One would hope that the violent state response of the past to demands for basic freedom and equality will not be repeated today. However, the Turkish government’s unrepentant campaign of denial and its Western-backed ethnic cleansing of Kurds in the 1980-90’s, suggests a constant threat of reversion to genocidal tendencies and repression.

It is incumbent upon those who wish to eradicate the ongoing cycle of genocide and promote human freedom and liberty in the region to pay close attention to the situation of the Kurds in Turkey. Both for a more democratic and stable future, an HDP victory in the coming elections is essential.

 

The post Power vs. Progress: The HDP’s ‘Threat’ of Democracy appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Determined Triumph

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The Armenian Weekly Magazine

April 2015: A Century of Resistance

 

The voice of a sighing heart, its sobs and mournful cries,

I offer up to you, O seer of Secrets,

Placing the fruits of my wavering mind

As a savory sacrifice on the fire of my grieving soul

To be delivered to you in the censer of my will.

—St. Grigor Narekatsi

 

As I read and look through various books and papers on the Armenian Genocide, I think of the genocide survivors I met and got to know years ago in the Chicago Armenian community. The community elders would say with reverence, “See that lady over there, she is one of the Survivors… That man there, he is one of the Survivors…” There were several of them, and they were always working—serving our Armenian community—in the church, church hall, kitchen, school, and on picnic grounds. Occasionally, one of them would begin singing in the church hall’s kitchen. Within no time, others would join in, and as one voice they would sing, as they diligently prepared Armenian dishes for a community function, as they stayed behind after an event to clean and tidy up.

Though the aromas that wafted from the kitchen or picnic grounds were delightful and inviting, the unwavering enthusiasm and devotion these particular individuals felt for their people and community were awe-inspiring and unforgettable, for they had come from a place where they had suffered and survived unspeakable horrors simply because of who they were—Armenians and Christians. As a result, they had lost everything—family and childhood, home and hearth, hopes and dreams, even their identity at times. Despite the carnage, destruction, and immeasurable loss that had befallen them, they were able not only to overcome their sufferings and go on with their lives in far-away lands, learning new languages, customs, and traditions, but also to give of themselves and enrich the lives of others, especially their Diasporan Armenian communities.

Years ago, during interviews I had conducted with some of these survivors in their homes, I noticed that though each had come from different regions in their homeland, and from different socio-economic standings, when they spoke of the horrors they had suffered they all described similar atrocities. And, when they spoke, each had the same heart-wrenching sorrow in his or her eyes.

I began the interviews first with a male survivor of the 1894-96 Hamidian Massacres. The Ottoman Constitution of 1876 had granted the Armenians certain rights. At last, the Armenians thought, they could allow themselves to look forward to a decent life, free of fear, brutality, and massacres. That sentiment, however, was short lived. During the late 1800’s, sporadic massacres of Armenians were carried out, beginning in Van. Upon learning of the atrocities that had begun soon after the signing of the constitution, Patriarch Khrimian Hayrik “charged that the government was guilty of perpetrating the crime and inciting violence.” In a pamphlet called “Haikouyzh,” the patriarch wrote, “They fell upon and covered Armenian villages and farms like locust and worm, devoured and withered all vegetation and turned fertile villages and towns into barren wastelands” (from The Pillars of the Armenian Church by Dickran H. Boyajian).

Painting of Grigor Narekatsi by artist Arshag Fetvadjian

Mrs. Carlier, the wife of the French Consul in Sepastia, an eyewitness to the massacres and deportations that took place in 1895-96, wrote: “They killed everyone in the market place. Not a single Armenian remains. … Right at this moment they are killing with bayonets. … Since the mob was not armed with weapons, they had grabbed whatever they had found, axes, clubs, stones and shovels. They crushed the heads of the victims… Everywhere there is blood; wherever you step, you step on human brains and scalps. … I saw dogs dragging human body parts in their mouths… blood dripping from their mouths. … The majority of the victims were men. A large number of women and girls were put up for auction by the criminal Turks. … The women and girls were raped with extreme barbarism…” (from Village World [Kiughashkharh] by Vahan Hambartsumian).

The following are brief excerpts from four of the interviews.

The survivor of the 1896 massacres described the day the Turks came in these words: “My family was from Sepastia,

and we Armenians always lived in fear. My father was a priest. I was five years old and playing with my friends

outside, when suddenly we heard a great deal of noise down the street. There was much yelling and screaming. A crowd was coming and they were carrying daggers, pieces of wood, anything with which to kill a person. People were running, and there was blood everywhere. The Turks were killing anyone they could get their hands on. … I ran and hid in a hole in the ground, which was filled with ashes, for about two or three days. When I came out of the hole, I was very thirsty and hungry… Because of what I had witnessed I developed a severe stutter. Nearly 90 now, I still stutter.”

In 1915, four years after immigrating to the United States and making Chicago his home, this survivor, upon learning of the plight of the Armenians in his homeland, left for the Caucasus to join other “gamavors” (volunteers) in fighting the Turks.

A female survivor of the genocide recalled, “I was seven years old when the Turks came to our village in Sepastia. They killed so many Armenians, including my parents, sisters, and brothers—my whole family. I do not know how I survived, but I remember seeing blood everywhere and so many people on the ground. I was walking and walking, calling for my mother, when two gendarmes saw me and hurt me… I was full of blood. Someone carried me to a hospital, where the doctor, who knew my family, wept when he saw me… Later, I was taken to a Turkish couple and I stayed with them.

One day, when I was outside, some Turkish boys and girls screamed and shouted ‘gavour’ [nonbeliever or infidel] at me. As they repeated that word, again and again, they threw rocks at me… You can still see the scar on my face. … After staying with the Turkish couple for a while, I was taken to an orphanage in Marsovan, then to one in Greece, and later, when we orphans were older, some of us were sent to France. So many lost their minds because of what the Turks had done… Whenever I thought of my family, my home… I could not stop crying. … We had such fun playing together, my sisters, brothers, and I.  We had a nice home, and a beautiful church before the Turks did the things they did.”

A female survivor from Dikranagerd told of her ordeal in 1915 as she looked down at her hands resting in her lap. “I was fortunate to only have my fingers cut off of one hand. Some had hands and other body parts cut off, but mostly they were murdered.”

A male survivor from Urfa recalled, “I was 10 years old in 1915 when it happened. I was outside walking down the street, when I saw some Turks killing an Armenian. They were striking him with canes, knives, swords, shovels… I was terrified and found a place to hide. When it was safe I ran back home where I found my uncle dead. They had slaughtered him like a lamb on the steps of our house. His head was down and his feet were up; there was blood everywhere. My father and other Armenian men were taken away. We never saw them again. My older brother, who was 19, had his head smashed. Some of my other relatives were killed. My mother suddenly could not speak and died three days after they took away my father and killed my brother. … The Turks filled our church with Armenians, and they burned them, even the children. They burned them all! I saw it.  I saw a lot. … A Turkish family, the one that had earlier taken away my sister to be a wife, took my little brother and me to their house. There, we were made Turks and given Turkish names. I was called Hasan…  Eventually, when we got older, we left and once again used our Armenian names. … It was God’s miracle that the two of us survived. At times, after all these many years, I still see my dead mother and my brother with his smashed head, and all the others who had been killed, before my eyes.”

Though the survivors I spoke with, and got to know many years ago, have all passed away, their stories—the story of a nation nearly annihilated by another—can still be “heard” via countless pages of printed material. For example, in the Oct. 7, 1896 issue of the Chicago Daily Tribune, an article titled, “Chicago’s Work for the Armenians.” described the efforts of the “Chicago Armenian committee” in collecting $13,000 for the “International committee” in Constantinople to assist destitute Armenians who had survived the 1894-96 massacres. Also mentioned were the efforts of the Salvation Army in preparing to assist these refugees in establishing homes in America once they arrived.

As the sporadic massacres of the later 1800’s continued into the early 1900’s, behind the backdrop of World War I, methodically and with great acumen, the Turkish government, in 1915, began its ultimate endeavor in the total annihilation of the Armenian people and culture. The following are more examples published in the Chicago Daily Tribune, reporting on the plight of the Armenians.

In the May 18, 1915 issue of the Chicago Daily Tribune, a caption on page 4 announced the slaughter of 6,000 Armenians by the Turks, and that aid to Armenia was needed.

In the Jan. 26 1916 issue of the same paper, an article titled, “Chicago Asked to Open Purses for Armenians,” described the dire plight of the Armenians, growing more critical every day because of the countless massacres, as well as the starvation, disease, exposure to the elements, and homelessness they were suffering.

In the Feb. 1, 1919 issue of the Chicago Daily Tribune, an article titled, “5th Liberty Loan Workers Told of Armenians’ Woe,” outlined a speech given by the former U.S. Ambassador to Turkey Abram L. Elkus at the Morrison Hotel in Chicago. The ambassador began his speech by telling the audience that he had no real idea what hunger and poverty were until he saw the devastation of Turkey’s Armenians. He told of the hunger and poverty, the despair and death, and the 400,000 Armenian orphans that crowded into available buildings. He described how he and a friend had counted on the roads of Asia Minor the skeletons of hundreds of Armenians who had been “butchered by Turks.

In the March 17, 1920 issue of the Chicago Daily Tribune, an article titled, “Evanston Girl One of Three Helping 67,000 Armenians,” described the work of Miss Alice K. Clark of Evanston, Ill., the daughter of the manager of the American Stove Company, and 2 other members of the American Relief Committee in Hadjin, Turkey, caring for 67,000 Armenian refugees.

After all these years—One Hundred—Turkey continues to deny any wrongdoing, stating that the Armenian Genocide never took place and that the issue of the Armenians “should be left to historians.” Yet, as one reads the numerous eyewitness accounts, reports, newspaper articles, and books, one wonders, How can a crime of such magnitude—a government’s systematic annihilation of nearly an entire race—be denied, and for so long? The numerous accounts, reports, and documents do not lie. The bones scattered across the land, the crumbling age-old churches and edifices do not lie.

In New York, the Alliance Weekly: A Journal of Christian Life and Missions published several articles, including eyewitness accounts, of the atrocities against the Armenians from 1909-19. The following are examples.

On Oct. 2, 1915, the Alliance Weekly published a piece titled, “Armenian Atrocities,” describing the condition of the Armenians in Turkey: “An appalling condition prevails in Armenia. A representative committee of Americans have secured and sifted reports from all parts of Turkey. A preliminary statement has been given to the press and a detailed survey will follow in a few days. Atrocities unparalleled in modern history will be revealed. Armenia is being depopulated of its Christian population whether Gregorian or Protestant. At least half a million have perished in massacres or of hunger in the wastes to which they are driven. The missionaries of the American Board at Bitlis, Van, and Diyarbakir have been driven out. …”

On Oct. 23, 1915, the Alliance Weekly published the following: “The Christian world is again shocked by the new story of Armenian atrocities. There, horrid cruelties are on a scale surpassing even the frightful wrongs of other years, which justified the title Mr. Gladstone gave to the Turkish ruler, ‘Abdul, the Assassin.’ The present policy of the Turkish authorities, with the tacit support, it is feared, of their German allies, is the utter extermination of this sturdy and superior race… the entire destruction of the race.”

In the Oct. 30, 1915 issue of the same publication, a returning missionary from Turkey, Dr. McNaughton, reported, “…The missionary work in Asia Minor, under the American Board, has been almost entirely wiped out. … Before the war there were 148 stations, 309 missionaries, 158 organized churches, 1,310 native helpers, 26,000 scholars in 450 schools and colleges, and 60,000 in attendance upon the missions. Today these flocks are scattered, and more than 1,000,000 Armenian Christians appear to have perished. … Is it the last drop in the full cup of Turkish crime?”

Painting of Gomidas, ‘Vercheen Geesher – Debee Aksor’ (‘Final Night – Toward Exile’)

In the Dec. 30, 1916 issue, an article titled, “Famine Horrors in the World War,” by A. E. Thompson describes the Armenian atrocities: “It has not been a conquered province that has suffered, but a subject nation, over which the Turks have ruled for centuries. Abdul Hamid shocked civilization by the massacres of a few thousand Armenians… He probably never conceived such horrors as the Young Turks, who dethroned him, have perpetrated. The report published by the Relief Committee states that out of a total Armenian population of 2,000,000 no less that 850,000 have died in massacres or of disease, exhaustion, and starvation… The report of the Relief Committee reads: ‘Men were led away in groups outside their villages and killed with clubs and axes. The Consul of one of the European nations reported that on one occasion 10,000 Armenians were taken out in boats, batteries of artillery trained upon them, and the entire company killed. Girls and women were reserved for an indescribable fate in terrible marches; in harems, in the houses of officials, or in tents of the wild tribes. Villages and towns by the hundreds were wrecked. The whole Armenian population of large sections deported. Of 450 in one village only one woman lives… Read the most graphic pictures in prophecy of horrors and outrages and you have a mild picture of what has occurred…”

In the Jan. 13, 1917 issue of the Alliance Weekly, an article titled, “The Turkey of Tomorrow,” by an author who signed the piece as “A Missionary Resident For Thirty Years In Turkey,” asks the questions, “What, then about the future? How about the wreck of work for Armenians after the holocaust that has destroyed more than half a million of them, deported and impoverished more than half a million more, forced another quarter million to flee the country? Can the churches ever be revived or the schools reopened? …

When many thousands have been faithful unto death, preferring a martyr’s crown to a Moslem life, the people all see that faith and life are the essentials, rather than creeds and ceremonies. The ancient Armenian Church will come forth from this ordeal ‘tried as by the fire.’”

In the Oct. 6, 1917 issue, an article titled, “The Crimes of Turkey,” begins: “An important conference of the friends of the great movement for Armenian and Syrian relief was held in New York City during Tuesday and Wednesday, September 11th and 12th, at which there was a representative attendance from the various churches, charitable and missionary boards and societies. … The Alliance Weekly was represented at this conference…” The article outlines the account of Dr. Frederick Coan, who was “an eyewitness of both tragedies.” He had stated, “the present massacre [1915] far exceeds in loss of life and desolation of land than that of the massacre of 1894-5.” He said he had stood by “a huge trench—the grave of two thousand Armenians, who had sought to defend themselves from the Turks until their ammunition gave out; who on asking at what terms they might surrender, and on being promised their safety (sworn to on the Koran) by the Turks, surrendered, and were immediately given spades and shovels and ordered to dig a trench. When this trench was completed, those 2,000 Armenians were driven into it at the point of bayonets, and there buried.” He told of standing by a pit, “the grave of 1,600 little children who had been gathered together, saturated with oil, and burned alive, while the fanatical Turks beat drums to drown their dying cries,” and “a bridge from which 1,600 young Armenian maidens had plunged to their deaths rather than live as slaves in Turkish harems.”

The piece included Dr. Coan’s appeal to America: “Christian America—help save those who still can be saved. Hundreds of thousands of refugees have fled to Russia. Here they can be reached, and the Russian government will not refuse their relief. Russia has never refused to help us in relief, even handing money to us to be distributed by us as we thought best.” The doctor’s presentation concluded with: “There are Mohammedans who do not approve of this massacre. Over and over again I have heard them say, ‘I wonder that God in heaven does not bring fire down and smite us for these deeds…’” (When the Russian and Armenian volunteer forces liberated Van in May 1915, working along with the American missionary aid workers were the Countess Aleksandra Lvovna Tolstaya, the youngest daughter of Russian novelist Leo Tolstoy, and her aid workers. See the correspondence of Grace H. Knapp [1895-1916], Mt. Holyoke College Archives & Special Collections.)

The article also includes the account of a 17-year-old boy who had been brought to the United States. At the time of the genocide, he was 15 and had escaped. He told of his harrowing experience: “On March 31st or April 1st, 1915, our city was suddenly surrounded by Turkish soldiers. Most of the prominent Armenians were imprisoned, among them my father, who was a professor in a college. They were asked to give up their guns, but as most of them were merchants, doctors, professors, etc., there were few guns among them. Then the officers beat them. The professor of history in our college was first beaten with a stick; his fingers were then burned, then his hair, and finally he was crucified. … The mothers began at once to cut off the hair of the girls, but they could not hide their beautiful eyes. … We were surrounded by other Turkish soldiers. They separated the men from the women and put the men in a great dungeon…in that prison 550 men were weeping. … The women and children were placed in another prison. … The next night 549 men were taken to the nearby mountains and killed one by one… From that group only one boy is living—myself. … Those 2,500 women and children. . . …they took away their clothing … drove them out to the deserts. Children were taken by the Turks…some of the women became Moslems and were spared. Others threw themselves into the river. … The prettiest children were selected by the Turks, especially the boys and girls from ten to twelve years. … Once they were free as birds, now the girls are imprisoned in Turkish harems, buried alive.” The boy’s account ended with: “A whole nation is being killed and deported by the Turks, and those remaining are dying of starvation…”

In the Oct. 25, 1962 issue of Milliyet (Istanbul), an article by Gunay Erinal (Assistant to the Agricultural Inspector) titled, “A Modern Turk on the Armenian Past,” describes what the Turkish people experienced years after the genocide. It begins: “There is a famine in Eastern Turkey. Last winter all the newspapers reported that animals were dying of hunger. … In the beginning of 1962 in Saimbeyli (Hagin), the villagers said: ‘In the days of the Armenians more people lived here; the grapes and their wine were very well known. At that time there was also a college, which disappeared with the Armenians. … In the days of the Armenians here…’ I had heard these words long ago, and I heard them very often recently. … ‘The villages of Hunu and Lorsun…’ Afsin and Elbistan as well… ‘When the Armenians were here there was a dam on the river by virtue of which we had no shortage of water. …’ In Hakkari also I heard Armenians mentioned. … ‘The Armenians, by planting terrace-vineyards on the steep mountain-side, produced grapes, and it was very successful. But it does not exist now. … Our people neglected the land. … In the Catak ‘kaza’ of Van there are thousands of pistachio nut trees, but they are not fertile. …’”

As the Armenian communities throughout the world prepare to commemorate the 100th Anniversary of the 1915 Genocide, one cannot help but wonder, how has this small nation continued to thrive despite all it has suffered? The answer must lie in the Armenian people’s deep reverence for church, language, heritage, culture, and patriotism.

Author J. Alston Campbell, who was witness to the deplorable conditions and sufferings of the Armenians in Turkey, wrote, “The thousands of Armenians who laid down their lives at the time of the massacres did not die on behalf of a political propaganda, they laid down for the Gospel, as a testimony to the Moslem world of the power of a living Christ. Most of those martyrs, had they wished, might have saved themselves by holding up one little finger as a sign that they accepted Islam. But they chose death rather than deny His Name…” And, of the patriotism of the Armenians, he wrote, “A strong feature in their character, and this, together with a wonderful recuperative power which they possess, has often enabled them to rise phoenix-like from disasters which would have ruined other nations.”

In April, One Hundred Years of Remembering, Praying, Commemorating, and Demanding Justice for the wrongs committed by the perpetrators of the 1915 Genocide of the Armenians will be marked by an historic event in Armenia at Holy Etchmiadzin—the Canonization of our Martyrs. His Holiness Karekin II and His Holiness Aram I will preside together over this momentous ceremony.

As candles burn, choirs sing, and incense fill Armenian churches on our National Day of Remembrance, I will light three candles: One for our Martyrs, One for Armenia, and One for Armenians Everywhere.

 

Dour ashkharhis khaghaghoutiun,

Azkis Hayots, ser, mioutiun.

Der voghormia, Der voghormia…

 

“Bless the world with peace, and the Armenian Nation with love and unity.

Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy…”

 

—Gomidas Vartabed

 

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References

Boyajian, Dickran H., The Pillars of the Armenian Church. Watertown, Mass.: Baikar Press, 1962.

Campbell, J. Alston, In The Shadow of the Crescent. London: Marshall Brothers, 1906.

Chicago Daily Tribune (now Chicago Tribune).

Chookaszian, Levon, Arshag Fetvadjian. Yerevan: 2011. (Painting of Narekatsi)

Hambartsumian, Vahan, Village World (Kiughashkharah), translated from the Armenian by Murad A. Meneshian. Providence, R.I.: Govdoon Youth of America, 2001.

Narekatsi, St. Grigor, Speaking with God from the Depths of the Heart, translated from the Armenian by Thomas J. Samuelian. Armenia: 2002. (Narekatsi quote)

Knapp, Grace H., “Grace H. Knapp Papers—All Correspondence, 1895-1916.” Mt. Holyoke College Archives & Special Collections. South Hadley, Mass.

Simeonian, Very Rev. Arsen, Gomidas Vartabed. Boston, Mass.: 1969. (Drawing of Gomidas)

The Alliance Weekly: A Journal of Christian Life and Missions (now ALife). Christian and Missionary Alliance, Colorado Springs, Colo. (Archives Department)

 

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Note: The author wishes to express her deep appreciation to the following for kindly providing material used in this article:

Christian and Missionary Alliance Archives Department staff

Mt. Holyoke College Archives & Special Collections staff

The post Determined Triumph appeared first on Armenian Weekly.


Sahagian: The Next 100 Years

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Special for the Armenian Weekly

And where do we go now? The storm of the Armenian Genocide Centennial has passed. The nation came out in full force in Armenia and the Armenian Diaspora. We saw and felt a unity that was unfelt and unseen since the days of Artsakh’s liberation. But where does that unity go now? Does it remain intact or does it go into retreat until the next occasion of national importance?

I came by some commentary about the day after April 24, 2015, with some stating that we’d lose our common identity with the passing of the big date; people would now go about their own struggles and would not find a common ground for a broader national struggle of any kind.

If your Armenian identity is wholly and only anchored in the genocide, then you are delusional about your own heritage. Armenian History 101 is a must for you to realize that 5 years of butchery does not overshadow 6,000 years of great history and the open vastness that is the future of this nation.

And if you thought that the struggle for genocide recognition—and more importantly, compensation—was only about Turkey coming to terms with its past, then you are once again mistaken. It is also about securing Armenia’s rightful position in the Caucasus politically and economically. The acknowledgment by our enemies of their past barbarity would go some way in safeguarding the development of the Republic of Armenia regionally. And if that in itself is not a common ground for a broader national struggle to somehow keep the identity intact, then I fear the potential of the next 100 years will be lost in stalemate.

A strong republic that is appreciated for its worth on the international stage and by its neighbors is the most effective platform from which to assert and exercise our inalienable rights in the lands of Western Armenia, Cilicia, Pokr Hayk (Lesser Armenia); bring the Hamshen Armenians back into the national fold; and find a just solution to the national rights of the Armenians in Javakhk.

If this past Centennial marked our rebirth as a nation, then let the next 100 years mark our consolidation as a nation with a republic that even our ancient monarchs would be envious of.

But that all starts with ridding ourselves of petty delusions and misplaced arrogance. It’s time to concentrate on the ills within our society.

…if you thought that the struggle for genocide recognition—and more importantly, compensation—was only about Turkey coming to terms with its past, then you are once again mistaken. It is also about securing Armenia’s rightful position in the Caucasus politically and economically. The acknowledgment by our enemies of their past barbarity would go some way in safeguarding the development of the Republic of Armenia regionally.

In today’s socio-political reality in Armenia, the government has carved out a state where its affiliates plunder the nation’s riches and feed into its corruption.

If Siamanto were alive today, he’d revise: “Ov Hayots artarutyun, togh tknem ko jagadin” (O, Armenian justice, let me spit in your face).

And if some of you do not find common identity in this struggle for the soul of the republic, then your usefulness ended on April 24, 2015.

The post Sahagian: The Next 100 Years appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Draft Resolution on Armenian Genocide Introduced in Brazilian Senate

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(Agencia Prensa Armenia)—A draft resolution recognizing the Armenian Genocide was introduced in the Federal Senate of Brazil on May 26. Senators Aloizio Nunes, Fereira Filio, and Jose Serra sponsored the resolution (No. 550/2015).

The draft resolution expresses its “solidarity with the Armenian people during the centenary of the campaign of extermination of its population,” and states that “the Senate recognizes the Armenian Genocide, whose centenary was commemorated on April 24, 2015.”

James Onnig Tamdjian, representative of the Armenian National Committee (ANC) of Brazil, said the resolution “has great support from Senators, and hopefully in the near future the Brazilian Senate will vote for this proposal, which will be historic for all Armenians and their descendants in Brazil.” Tamdjian also expressed his hope that “the Senate would continue its support to formalize the decision soon.”

“To honor the victims and recognize the contribution of the thousands of Brazilians—descendants of Armenian refugees—to the economic, social, and cultural formation of Brazil, we emphasize that no genocide must be forgotten so that it does not happen again,” reads the text.

The draft highlights that the Genocide was rooted in the “need for a racial cleansing, to make Turkey—then multiracial—a uniformly Turkish nation.” In addition, it denounces the “systematic denial, pressure, and intimidation against those who try to reconstruct historical events.”

“The policy of extermination is so far denied by the Turkish government,” reads the draft resolution, and cites the cases of recognition from a growing number of countries, including Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Uruguay, and Venezuela in Latin America, as well as European countries, the European Parliament and, more recently, Germany and Pope Francis.

“It is estimated that at least 100,000 descendants of Armenians live in Brazil, mostly in Sao Paulo. They are Brazilians whose ancestors had to leave their homeland to escape the genocide. In Brazilian lands they could restart their lives, build families and contribute to the economic, social and cultural development of our country,” reads the resolution.

The Brazilian government has not yet recognized the Armenian Genocide, although the legislatures of Ceará and Parana did. “In 2015, the State of São Paulo instituted April 24 as the Day of Recognition and Remembrance of Victims of the Genocide of the Armenian people,” concludes the resolution.

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ARF Eastern Region Central Committee Meets with Aram I

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WATERTOWN, Mass.—The Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Eastern Region Central Committee met with His Holiness Catholicos Aram I of the Holy See of Cilicia on May 30, in Waltham, Mass.

ARF Eastern Region Central Committee Chairman Hayg Oshagan and His Holiness Aram I

Attending the meeting were Archbishop Oshagan Choloyan, Prelate of the Armenian Church in the Eastern U.S., ARF Central Committee Chairman Hayg Oshagan, members Greg Bedian, Khajag Mgrditchian, Levon Attarian, John Avedissian, Hovsep Avakian, and ARF Eastern Region Central Committee Executive Director Maral Choloyan. Armenian Weekly Editor Nanore Barsoumian and Hairenik Weekly Editor Zaven Torikian were also present.

(L-R) Levon Attarian, Greg Bedian, Hovsep Avakian, H.E. Archbishop Oshagan Choloyan, His Holiness Aram I, Hayg Oshagan, John Avedissian, and Khajag Mgrditchian

During the meeting, the parties discussed the Syrian crisis and the situation of Syrian-Armenians, issues pertaining to the Armenian communities and churches in the Eastern U.S., the demands for reparations  of the Armenian people, and the Centennial events.

Aram I was in the Boston area as part of his tour of the Armenian communities in the region. He arrived in Boston on May 27. On May 28, he was the keynote speaker at the  Boston celebration of the 97th anniversary of the establishment of the independent state of Armenia in 1918.

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‘Ready to Fight for Armenia’: A Remembrance of Maral Melkonian Avetisyan

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When I Wake Up

When I wake up I look forward
to a good day.

When I wake up I look forward
to telling more people about Armenia. 

When I wake up I look forward
to fight for Armenia.

When I wake up I look forward
to tell people to help Armenia.

When I wake up I hope a child
from Armenia gets food.

When I wake up I look forward
to no more genocide.

I got up. I am ready to fight
for Armenia.

– Maral Melkonian, age 13
AYF Washington D.C. “Sevan” Juniors
The Armenian Weekly, April 20, 1996

***

‘Ready to Fight for Armenia’: A Remembrance of Maral Melkonian Avetisyan
(Jan. 12, 1983 – April 13, 2015)

By Elizabeth Chouldjian

Words invariably fail when we seek to speak of the tragic loss of a young friend and a comrade-in-arms in the pursuit of strengthening the Homeland and advancing our collective Cause. And so, I turn to a poem printed in the Armenian Weekly on April 20, 1996, composed by Maral, herself, to offer an early glimpse of her passion and pursuit for justice.

Maral Melkonian Avetisyan (Jan. 12, 1983 – April 13, 2015)

In “When I Wake Up”—written less than 5 years after the re-establishment of an independent Armenia and just 2 years after the tenuous ceasefire that would end the fighting in Artsakh—13-year-old Maral Melkonian issued a challenge to the Armenian nation—a Zartonki Gotch, if you will—to fight for a democratic and economically vibrant Armenia, where our children can flourish and live in a world without genocide.

It is this simple truth, this clarion call, that she would live by for the rest of her life.

But, her friends and family knew that from the start.

Born on Jan. 12, 1983, in Silver Spring, Md., Maral was always the delight of her parents Ara and Haikanouche Melkonian and older brother, Raffi. She attended St. Catherine Laboure from Kindergarten to 5th grade; St. Martin Catholic School from 6th through 8th grade; then graduated from Good Counsel High School and received her Bachelor of Arts in English language and literature in 2007 from the University of Maryland, College Park.

But her heart was always in Armenia and the Armenian community, scampering as a toddler in the Soorp Khatch Armenian Church Arabian Hall, attending and graduating from Hamasdegh Armenian School, and devoting her volunteer time to organizations including Homenetmen, Armenian Youth Federation (AYF), AYF Camp Haiastan, Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA), Armenia Volunteer Corps (AVC), and Birthright Armenia.

She led by example from the very beginning, holding multiple executive positions in the AYF D.C. “Sevan” Juniors and “Ani” Seniors and attending Camp Haiastan both as a camper and a counselor.

In Homenetmen, she inspired fellow Scouts as a khmpabed and traveled to Armenia in 1998 and 2002 to participate in the worldwide jamborees. In 2006, she would return to the Homeland, this time through the AYF, AVC, and Birthright Armenia, to spend the summer working with children at the Naregatsi Art Institute in Artsakh and the Khnko Aper Children’s Library in Yerevan. In 2007, she went back for a second consecutive summer, this time as director of the AYF Armenia Internship Program.

Upon her return, as she explored career opportunities, Maral interned at the ANCA. On the first day of her volunteer time at our D.C. headquarters, as we were coming up the stairs to our third floor offices, Maral shared, “In my years in the AYF, coming to meetings, I would listen to you and Aram [Hamparian] talk about efforts to get U.S. assistance to Armenia or demand justice for the Armenian Genocide, and I’d ask myself, ‘Are we really making a difference?’ Now, after these past summers in Armenia and Artsakh—working with the kids, speaking with the people—I get it. I know how important this work is, and I want to be a part of it.”

Maral shared those precious moments in Artsakh and Armenia with community, friends, and family in the U.S., and continued her steady and consistent stream of volunteer efforts all for the furthering of nation and Cause. She was an ardent advocate of the Armenia Volunteer Corps and Birthright Armenia, encouraging everyone she met to take the opportunity, travel to Armenia, and give back to the Homeland.

In time she would meet and marry a true kindred spirit—Tigran Avetisyan—and they, together, would embark on a journey of faith and fulfillment that would brighten the lives of all who knew and loved them.

Our community and nation hoped to cherish and grow with Maral through the decades, inspired by her smile and can-do attitude, but fate had other plans. Our Maral would leave us on April 13, 2015, just weeks before the Armenian Genocide Centennial—a milestone in the battle for justice that held such great meaning for her.

At her wake, surrounded by hundreds of friends and family members who had gathered to share their love and pay their respects, it was the poignant words of her brother, Raffi, that touched one and all. Raffi explained that when Maral learned of her illness, she turned to those most dear to her and said, “I’m sorry to put you through this,” and immediately sought to put all at ease.

That is the Maral that we will always remember—the selfless, thoughtful, blessed soul, who put family, community, and nation above all else, whether at age 13 or 31.

The Melkonian and Avetisyan families are encouraging all who loved Maral and wish to continue her good works to support the ANCA Endowment Fund. Donations in Maral’s memory may be mailed to ANCA Endowment Fund, 1711 N Street NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 or offered online at www.anca.org/inmemoryofmaral (please cite Maral Melkonian Avetisyan in the “comments” section).

So many have already joined the Melkonian and Avetisyan families through generous contributions to the ANCA Endowment Fund, including Mr. & Mrs. Ohannes and Chouchan Aghguiguian; Mrs. Jeannette Alemian; Mr. & Mrs. Steve and Sarine Altan; Mr. & Mrs. Kevork and Shoghik Altounian; Mr. Daniel Apelian; Mr. & Mrs. Simon and Sose Arabian; Mr. & Mrs. Chaha and Ani Araklian; Mr. & Mrs. Garo and Vrejoohie Armenian; Mr. & Mrs. Ara and Ani Asatoorian; Mr. & Mrs. Sebouh and Maro Asatoorian; Mr. Artavazd Avetisyan; Mr. David Avetisyan; Mr. Tigran Avetisyan; Mr. & Mrs. Bedros and Stella Bandazian; Ms. Michelle Barsamian; Mr. & Mrs. Veh Bezdikian; Birthright Armenia; Mr. Jake Bournazian; Mr. Steve Canning; Mr. & Mrs. Oscar and Eleanor Caroglanian; Ms. Elizabeth Chouldjian; Ms. Marale Damirjian; Mr. Sahag Dardarian; Mr. & Mrs. Dion and Lucy Davitian; Mr. & Mrs. Hamo and Mirra Dersookian; Ms. Elizabeth Direnfeld; Mr. & Mrs. Edward and Sosse Dombalagian; Miss Natalie Doudaklian; Mr. Haig Eskandarian; Mr. & Mrs. Missak and Ani Festekjian; Mr. & Mrs. Peter and Lilian Festekjian; Mr. & Mrs. Raffi and Kristin Festekjian; Mr. & Mrs. Yeprem and Talar Festekjian; Mr. & Mrs. Voskan and Anik Galooshian; Mrs. Seda Gelenian; Mr. & Mrs. Richard and Alleen Ghazaryans; Ms. Christine Hannett Garner; Mr. & Mrs. Nader and Sophia Hawit; Mr. & Mrs. Chris and Tsoghig Hekimian; Mr. & Mrs. Zohrob and Lorrie Hovsapian; Mr. & Mrs. John and Ardemis Jerikian; Mr. & Mrs. Sarkis & Sonia Kasbarian; Ms. Talar Kasbarian; Mr. & Mrs. Vartkes and Ani Keshishian; Mr. & Mrs. Vicken and Ani Khatchadourian; Mr. & Mrs. Norayr and Sossy Khatcheressian; Dr. Sevan Kolejian; Mr. Aret Koseian; Mr. & Mrs. Chris and Karina Krikorian; Mr. & Mrs. Dave and Isabel Kubikian; Mr. & Mrs. Jim and Nora Kzirian; Mr. & Mrs. Dickran and Paulette Lehimdjian; Mr. Bob Marsteller; Mr. Boghossian Meguerditch; Mr. & Mrs. Ara and Haygo Melkonian; Mr. Khajag Melkonian; Mr. & Mrs. Raffi and Medea Melkonian; Mr. & Mrs. Armen and Taleen Moughamian; Mr. & Mrs. Krikor and Maro Moussessian; Mr. & Mrs. Areen and Maria Movsessian; Mr. & Mrs. Sebouh and Michelle Nahabedian; Mr. Ara Nahapetian; Mr. & Mrs. Hratch and Linda Najarian; Mr. & Mrs. Maurice and Vartouhi Najarian; Dr. & Mrs. Guiragos and Sossy Poochikian; Ms. Nayiri Poochikian; Mr. & Mrs. Sevag and Natalie Poochikian; Mr. & Mrs. Rudi and Rita Shafakian; Ms. Jemma Simonian; Ms. Ojenee Simonian; Ms. Yeran Simonian; Mr. & Mrs. Martin and Sylva Surabian; Mr. & Mrs. Andre and Karineh Tarpinian; Mr. & Mrs. Haroutun and Nevart Tatarian; Mr. & Mrs. Kevork and Suzy Tatarian; Mr. & Mrs. Philip and Hakinth Terpandjian; Ms. Rita Terterian; Mr. & Mrs. Michael Torosian; Mr. & Mrs. Hampar and Mary Vartanian; Mr. & Mrs. Chuck and Sema Yessaian.

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Boston Armenian Community Celebrates May 28 with Aram I

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Aram I Awards Former Ambassador John Evans ‘Medal of Knight of Cilicia’

WATERTOWN, Mass. (A.W.)—More than 500 Boston Armenian community members filled the Armenian Cultural and Educational Center (ACEC) in Watertown on Thurs., May 28 for a celebration of the 97th anniversary of the establishment of the First Republic of Armenia in 1918.

His Holiness Catholicos Aram I of the Holy See of Cilicia delivered the keynote address and awarded the “Knight of Cilicia” medal to former U.S. Ambassador to Armenia John Evans for his dedication to truth and justice.

Catholicos Aram I blesses the Armenian tricolor (photo: Aaron Spagnolo)

The event, titled “Triumph over Tragedy: The Birth of the First Independent Armenia, 1918,” featured remarks by Dr. Antranig Kasbarian, a former member of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Eastern Region Central Committee.

The event was organized by the ARF “Sardarabad” Gomideh and St. Stephen’s Armenian Apostolic Church, with the participation of the Armenian Relief Society, the Armenian Youth Federation, Hamazkayin Armenian Educational and Cultural Association, and Homenetmen.

A scene from the event (photo: Aaron Spagnolo)

Aram I was greeted at the door of the ACEC, where a red carpet was rolled out, by ARF Sardarabad Gomideh chairman Hovhannes Janessian, who led him and his delegation—which included the Catholicosate’s Ecumenical Officer Very Rev. Housig Mardirossian; staff-bearer, Rev. Bedros Manuelian; Archbishop Oshagan Choloyan, Prelate of the Armenian Orthodox Church of the Eastern U.S.; Archbishop Mushegh Mardirossian, Prelate of the Armenian Orthodox Church of the Western U.S.; and Bishop Anoushavan Tanielian, Vicar General of the Eastern Prelacy—to the Lachinian Hall, where a small reception was held. Present were community leaders and activists.

The event officially began when Aram I entered the Hovnanian Hall of the ACEC, led by Homenetmen scouts and flanked by the delegation of clergy. The Vehapar and his delegation were joined on stage by Very Rev. Fr. Andon Atamian, Rev. Avedis Boynerian, Rev. Archpriest Antranig Baljian, Rev. Stephan Baljian, Archpriest Rev. Vazken Bekiarian, Very Rev. Sahag Yemishyan, Rev. Archpriest Aram Stepanian, Rev. Archpriest Gomidas Baghsarian, Rev. Mikael Derkosrofian, and Rev. Bedros Shetilian of St. Gregory Armenian Apostolic Church. They performed the service of thanksgiving for the Republic of Armenia, which included the blessing of the tricolor flag. The singing of Armenia’s national anthem, “Mer Hairenik,” concluded this segment of the event.

Following the service, masters of ceremony Tsoler Avedissian and Nairi Khachatourian, members of the ARF “Sardarabad” Gomideh, welcomed the guests and introduced the Zankagner Performing Arts Ensemble—comprised of Kindergarten and elementary school-aged children—and their director Hasmik Konjoyan to the stage. Zankagner first sang the American anthem, followed by a patriotic medley and “Im Hayastan.”

Ani Arakelians-Avakian then offered a moving recital of excerpts from Baruyr Sevag’s “Yeradzayn Patarak.”

Kasbarian, who currently serves as executive director of the New York-based Tufenkian Foundation, delivered his remarks. Kasbarian first highlighted the role the church had played serving as both a spiritual and a national home for the Armenian people, and praised the role it had taken in “bolstering the Armenian Cause” through seeking justice—including, most recently, in the lawsuit against Turkey for the return of the historic headquarters of the Catholicosate of Sis.

Kasbarian also applauded former Ambassador Evans’ commitment to truth. “[Evans] spoke truth to power by openly acknowledging the Armenian Genocide. This was a bold, daring, and unprecedented act for which he has paid dearly both personally and professionally,” said Kasbarian.

Kasbarian then spoke of the struggles and dedication that is remembered on May 28. “May 28, 1918 marks the culmination of a heroic self-defense struggle, one that was life-or-death in the truest sense, and one that mobilized the entire resources of the nation,” he said, adding that we should not only celebrate but also evaluate the First Republic “in hopes of drawing parallels and comparisons we can use to address Armenia’s current potential and predicament.”

Dr. Antranig Kasbarian delivers his remarks (photo: Aaron Spagnolo)

The First Republic encapsulates the hope, ideals, and aspirations of the Armenian people, continued Kasbarian. Despite the external and internal threats it faced—from border disputes to refugee issues and famine—“the leadership found time to forge some semblance of democracy, based on inclusiveness, tolerance, and respect. Women were found in parliament and diplomatic corps; indeed, women were granted the right to vote before such acts were taken in the U.S. and other advanced democracies. Parliament also featured minority voices alongside the Dashnak majority—not only Ramgavars, Communists, and other Armenian political factions, but ethnic minorities including Kurds and Yazidis.”

Kasbarian said his intent was not to “whitewash” the past, because certainly mistakes were made, but to stress that the leadership of the First Republic “reminds us of the need to root our actions in the life and needs of our entire people, not only the elite, but everyone without exception.”

Following Kasbarian’s remarks, vocalists Meghri DerVartanian and Hovhaness Khacheryan sang “Erebuni-Yerevan,” “Yeraz im, Yerkir Haireni,” and “Kareri Amrots.”

Archbishop Oshagan Choloyan then offered his remarks. He said that as a child, May 28 was for him—as it was for many others—a day to envision a free republic, which was realized decades later on Sept. 21, 1991. Two events stand out as manifestations of the Armenian people’s will to exist: One is the year 451, because Armenians would not have existed without the Battle of Vartanantz, he said. The other, is May 28, 1918, because without the heroes of the First Republic, we would not be here today, he said.

A scene from the event (photo: Aason Spagnolo)

Those two dates and struggles are different than any other, he said, because the Armenian people knew that if they did not struggle with one will, together, they would have ceased to exist. We must not simply celebrate May 28, but let it serve as a reminder. The results of one’s work are worth more than mere words, he said.

Aram I is not only concerned about the challenges facing Armenians, he explained, but with demanding the rights of the Armenian people.

Middlesex County Sheriff Peter Koutoujian took the podium next. He introduced retired Ambassador John Evans. “Sworn in as Ambassador [to Armenia] in August 2004, Evans took up his post in Yerevan where—as he did throughout his entire career—he served with distinction and did a commendable job. In February 2005, during speeches here on American soil, he took a principled stand, a stand in accord with the historical facts alive and of democratic and humanitarian values,” began Koutoujian. “And in keeping with America’s proud traditions of friendship with the Armenian people, he spoke the truth. He called the Armenian Genocide, a ‘genocide.’”

Koutoujian said Evans knew there would be consequences to his actions. “He was called back to Washington and at the end of it all, his professional and diplomatic career was greatly affected and ended. His crime? Telling the truth,” said Koutoujian, adding, “He was very simply too honest a man to lie, too honest an American to lie, too good a man and too good an American to allow our nation’s moral standing to be diminished for the sake of convenience or out of deference to a false ally.” Koutoujian went on to call Evans a modern day Henry Morgenthau.

Former U.S. Ambassador to Armenia John Evans speaks after being awarded the “Knight of Cilicia” medal (photo: Aaron Spagnolo)

Following Koutoujian’s introduction, Evans was invited onto the stage, where Aram I awarded him with the Medal of Cilicia, to the cheers and enthusiastic applause from the crowd. In his brief remarks thanking Aram I, Evans said he had a “gentle diplomatic protest,” because “all I did was to tell the truth. And no one needs to thank me for that. All I did 10 years ago was to break a taboo in the State Department and the U.S. government—a taboo that should never have existed in the first place.” He added that his effort was successful to some degree, since the government was then forced to talk about the issue.

Aram I then delivered his keynote address. He said that yes, Armenians were able to have a free and independent Armenia, but that today’s Armenia is part of the united Armenia that is the Armenian dream. “Yes, we lost 1.5 million Armenians during the genocide. We lost churches, schools, and properties. But we also lost our homeland. We lost Western Armenia: Ayntab; Sis, Marash, Zeytoun, Adana. We lost Cilicia. Therefore, today we have land demands from Turkey.” He added that Armenians must not limit themselves to social or economic issues, that the vision of a united Armenia must remain alive—which was the same vision that kept the diaspora alive.

Aram I the delivers the keynote address (photo: Aaron Spagnolo)

“Let us not forget that on the 50th anniversary of the genocide, the Armenian youth in Soviet Armenia poured onto the streets and demanded, ‘Our lands! Our lands!’ (Mer hoghere, mer hoghere),” said Aram I, adding that the spirit of May 28 reminds Armenians to remain faithful to the leaders and activists of the First Republic, and to their message: a free and independent Armenia, and united Armenians.

“Freedom is not just a human value. It is a divine gift. We must look at freedom or independence from this perspective. In creating the first man and woman, God has endowed them with freedom: freedom of reflecting and acting, freedom of fulfilling their human potentials, therefore freedom is indeed a core value imbued by divine gift. Hence, aspiration to freedom is indeed a legitimate concern and drive in human beings,” said Aram I.

“In the course of our history, the Armenian people have constantly struggled to reaffirm their independence, their freedom,” he continued. “Therefore freedom has been a permanent drive, a salient feature of our history. After the fall of the last kingdom in Cilicia in 1375, for centuries we lost our freedom and were subjected to the continued persecution of the Ottoman-Turkish government.”

More than 500 Boston Armenian community members filled the ACEC on May 28 (photo: Aaron Spagnolo)

Remembering the past means reaffirming faithfulness of our commitment to our martyrs, he said. “Armenians will never forget the Armenian Genocide… Diplomatic and political considerations may overshadow the truth, but no power in this world can erase this truth,” he said.

Directing his words to Evans, Aram I continued, “The Bible reminds us that the truth liberates us… By telling the truth you occupy an important place in the hearts of the Armenian people…and you paid the price.”

“For the future of our people, we must strengthen Armenia. Strengthening Armenia means strengthening the diaspora, and strengthening the diaspora means strengthening Armenia… We have one future. This is the message of May 28,” concluded Aram I.

The event ended with the St. Stephens Church Choir leading the singing of “Giligia.”

A scene from the event (photo: Aaron Spagnolo)

Master of ceremonies Tsoler Avedissian (photo: Aaron Spagnolo)

Master of ceremonies Nairi Khachatourian (photo: Aaron Spagnolo)

Vocalists Meghri DerVartanian and Hovhaness Khacheryan perform (photo: Aaron Spagnolo)

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Federal Senate of Brazil Recognizes Armenian Genocide

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(Agencia Prensa Armenia)—The Federal Senate of Brazil passed on June 2 a resolution recognizing the Armenian Genocide. The Resolution No. 550/2015 was introduced by Senators Aloizio Nunes Fereira Filio and Jose Serra.

The resolution expresses its “solidarity with the Armenian people during the course of the centenary of the campaign of extermination of its population” and states that “the Senate recognizes the Armenian Genocide, whose centenary was commemorated on April 24, 2015.”

The Federal Senate of Brazil (photo: Wilson Dias/ABr)

Filio stressed the need for Turkey to recognize the genocide and to establish a productive dialogue with Armenia. “But that also means respect for life, respect for diversity, and commitment that this will never happen again,” said Filio.

“[The] statement of the plenary of the Senate is the most important in the history of the Armenian Cause in Brazil,” James Onnig Tamdjian, Director of Politics and International Relations of the Armenian National Committee (ANC) of Brazil, told Prensa Armenia. “It is an important sign that all political parties have joined and offered their solidarity in the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide,” he added.

“To honor the victims and recognize the contribution of the thousands of Brazilians—descendants of Armenian refugees—to the economic, social, and cultural formation of Brazil, we emphasize that no genocide must be forgotten so that it does not happen again,” reads the text.

The draft highlights that the Armenian Genocide was rooted in the “need for a racial cleansing, to make Turkey—then multiracial—a uniformly Turkish nation.”

In addition, it denounces the “systematic denial, pressure, and intimidation against those who try to reconstruct historical events.”

“The policy of extermination is so far denied by the Turkish government,” reads the draft resolution, and cites the cases of recognition from a growing number of countries, including Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Uruguay, and Venezuela in Latin America, as well as European countries, the European Parliament, and, more recently, Germany and Pope Francis.

“It is estimated that at least 100,000 descendants of Armenians live in Brazil, mostly in São Paulo. They are Brazilians whose ancestors had to leave their homeland to escape the genocide. In Brazilian lands they could restart their lives, build families, and contribute to the economic, social, and cultural development of our country,” reads the resolution.

The Brazilian government has not yet recognized the Armenian Genocide, although the legislatures of Ceará and Parana have. “In 2015, the State of São Paulo instituted April 24 as the Day of Recognition and Remembrance of Victims of the Genocide of the Armenian people,” concludes the resolution.

 

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Azerbaijan’s Isolation in Troubled Waters and Implications for Artsakh

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Given the geographic proximity of the South Caucasus to Europe, the Middle East, and the former Soviet Union, virtually all developments in those areas have reverberations in Baku, Azerbaijan. Over the course of the past 18 months a new foreign policy doctrine has emerged. This shift was formally codified on Dec. 3, 2014, in a largely unnoticed 50-page Russian language memo penned by Ramiz Mehdiyev—the long-serving chief of President Ilham Aliyev’s Administration—who calls primarily for a distancing from the West because of the latter’s “unfair” criticism of Azerbaijan and “unthankful” attitude for all the sacrifices that Baku has made.

The question is, What will fill in the vacuum caused by the drift away from the West?

Given the geographic proximity of the South Caucasus to Europe, the Middle East, and the former Soviet Union, virtually all developments in those areas have reverberations in Baku, Azerbaijan.

Along with the deterioration of relations between the West and Russia, countries near Russia have been caught in the middle. Ukraine is the most vivid example of this phenomenon. Baltic, Eastern European, and South Caucasian states alike are on a heightened alert due to the increased unpredictability and volatility of the geopolitical situation. Uncertainty is exacerbated by the possibility of military/political confrontation that many hoped and assumed was over.

The state of Azerbaijan is not currently under the spotlight but has been affected by regional trends and uncertainty. The leadership in Baku is caught in an environment of heightened security considerations, a rigid foreign policy ideology, faltering economy, post-communist inertia, and creeping authoritarianism—which converge to create increased isolation.

The unresolved Nagorno-Karabagh conflict complicates the security calculus for Baku. Between 1991 and 1994, Nagorno-Karabagh (Artsakh) and Azerbaijan fought a war that resulted in a ceasefire agreement and the inception of the Minsk Process shortly after to try to resolve the frozen conflict. Currently, Armenia—as the security guarantor of the Nagorno-Karabagh Republic—negotiates with Azerbaijan within this mutually-agreed framework.

At the cornerstone of Azerbaijani foreign policy is the desire to maintain sovereignty and independence from any outside power—an ambitious goal in today’s regionalized world. This ideology was inspired by the late Heydar Aliyev, a former Soviet KGB general and half-a-century-long leader of Azerbaijan, whose political platform was based on the idea of ensuring Azerbaijan’s sovereignty through nonalignment, facilitated by profits from hydrocarbon extraction in the Caspian basin.

Although Azerbaijan’s oil and gas reserves are not large in comparative terms (e.g., Azerbaijan cannot supply more than 2 percent of the EU’s gas demand), they provide a sizeable revenue for the government. Aliyev Sr.’s school of thought has been carried forward by his son Ilham Aliyev, who currently serves his third uninterrupted term as president (after amending the constitution to allow him to do that). However, it is becoming increasingly hard to maintain the current foreign policy posture in the face of Azerbaijan’s declining oil production and low global energy prices.

The Aliyev family has been caught in many international scandals over the past decade, earning Ilham Aliyev the title of “Corrupt Person of the Year” in 2013, awarded by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. The regime’s so-called “Caviar Diplomacy” has been aimed at softening international criticism. However, recently the international community again became vocal against the regime’s human rights violations and crackdowns on dissidents. President Aliyev has increasingly tightened the screws on media outlets (e.g., banishing Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Voice of America, and BBC) and cracking down on domestic civil society organizations.

The elite in Azerbaijan has developed an increasing sense of abandonment by the West, including within the framework of the Minsk Group co-chairmanship of Russia, France, and the United States within the Nagorno-Karabagh conflict resolution process. It views the West as inherently pro-Armenian. The leadership believes that there is an outright conspiracy plan targeted against Azerbaijan by the Western powers in the form of a “color” revolution, similar to the ones that have occurred elsewhere throughout the region.

Aliyev Sr.’s school of thought has been carried forward by his son Ilham Aliyev

Azerbaijan’s economy has suffered in recent times due to its heavy reliance on hydrocarbon exports (and the resulting inability to diversify into other sectors), low oil prices in the world, and rising competition from shale oil and gas. As a result, in February the national currency, the manat, registered a devaluation of more than 30 percent. The fuel running the foreign policy engine has thus shrunk by a third.

Russia’s attempts to reassert regional hegemony, especially within its “near abroad,” have caused uneasiness in Baku. Despite the large-scale military hardware sales by Russia to Azerbaijan, the Aliyev Administration does everything in order not to fall back under the influence of Moscow. Yet, with the Western retrenchment from the region and Azerbaijan’s parallel drift away from the West, Russia will likely be the one “getting the prize.”

Possible Iran-West rapprochement and the resulting expansion of Iranian influence throughout the South Caucasus poses yet another challenge to Azerbaijan, which has historical animosity with Iran. Israel and Azerbaijan have developed a close partnership over the past decade, which has resulted in billions of dollars worth of arms purchases by Azerbaijan and the lease of Azerbaijani territory as a launching pad for Israeli spy drone missions into Iran. A resurgent Iran most likely means trouble for Azerbaijan.

The projected decline of Azerbaijan’s relative regional power and diminished role in energy diversification for the EU caused by competing Russian and other sources of gas further decrease the geopolitical value of the country. Although the profits from the energy sector will continue to come into the country, they are projected to decrease.

Keeping the above-listed and other regional factors in mind, the Azerbaijani leadership has become increasingly paranoid as it watches the various revolutions, uprisings, and conflicts taking place in the region—including the color revolutions and the Arab Spring—fearing that it may be next. In tandem, there is growing anti-Western sentiment among the elites.

The crux of the influential Mehdiyev memo accuses the West of double standards and of preparing a coup against the Aliyev regime. This is a foundational document for the beginning of a new phase of Azerbaijani politics—foreign and domestic—that commenced with the attempt to fully control the media, manage public perception domestically, and curtail the activities of NGOs that do not serve the elite’s socio-political strategies.

Over the past several months an unprecedented crackdown has been underway against Western-sponsored media and civil society organizations, as well as independent domestic actors who are striving for democratic and human rights norms. A new set of laws was passed that significantly restricts freedom of the press and expression. As a consequence, over a hundred political prisoners are currently in jail.

With America’s pivot (or at least feint) to Asia, its disengagement from Afghanistan and Iraq, the rapprochement with Iran, and the shale revolution, the strategic importance of Azerbaijan is likely to continue to decrease for the West. A change in the balance of power may arise in the Caucasus frightening the officials in Baku, who have been so careful to maintain ties with all major regional powers and the West while refraining from allegiances with any one bloc or state. Hence the dilemma, since non-alignment will result in geographic regional isolation from the ongoing integration processes taking place in the East and West.

Trends in international relations shift in irregular patterns. It is difficult to predict any future long-term scenario. Yet, there are a few relatively clear patterns emerging that will likely persist:

  1. the Azerbaijani elite will continue its consolidation of power around Aliyev and his closest allies;
  2. Western-sponsored organizations and employees will continue to be rejected from operating within the country, as exemplified with the recent case of a Human Rights Watch employee who was denied access into the country;
  3. the leadership will attempt to remain non-aligned for as long as it can;
  4. anti-Western sentiments and jingoism will continue to be propagated.

What does this mean for Artsakh?

  1. With its recent successful democratic elections, Artsakh authorities and civil society should work to further strengthen the democratic institutions of the republic. Permanent missions abroad, especially in Western countries, may be expanded to further solidify bilateral relations and deepen ties with the Western partners.
  2. Because of the lack of media freedom in Azerbaijan, the elite can hide its true losses on the line of contact and thus may be more prone to conduct subversive military activities on the ground. Without further intensifying and moving up the spiral of conflict, the Artsakh Defense Army should be prepared to respond appropriately (which it has been thus far). A balance of power is essential in stopping the Azerbaijani elite from restarting the war.
  3. The authorities in Stepanakert also need to continue their efforts in providing a glimpse of hope to the minorities in Azerbaijan (e.g., the Talysh radio broadcasted from Shushi), who, like Armenians before the liberation movement, are repressed and denied fundamental rights. A democratic Azerbaijan accountable to its people is a more predictable neighbor and negotiator at the talks.

 

An earlier, different version of this article was published by the European Institute.

The post Azerbaijan’s Isolation in Troubled Waters and Implications for Artsakh appeared first on Armenian Weekly.


AYF-YOARF Junior Seminar 2015: ‘Look Forward, Move Forward’

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Memorial Day weekend is meant to be a time to honor those who served in America’s armed forces (though for most it’s a long weekend to barbeque poolside and sleep in). For generations of Armenians across the East Coast, Memorial Day weekend is something different. We often relate it to 15-hour bus rides to a campground in the middle of nowhere, where the stars seem closer and our friends from across the region are only a cabin away. A weekend where our phones are set aside, our dining is scheduled, and squeezing in a few spare minutes to shower is our greatest concern. This may sound strange for those of you who have not attended an AYF Junior Seminar before, but there’s nothing better than your bus, filled to capacity and candy wrappers, rolling through the driveway at Camp Lutherlyn with your friends from far-away chapters just outside and the Junior Seminar Committee ready to welcome you with a folder of what lies in store for the weekend.

AYF members take a group photo with Catholicos Aram I and his delegation 

This Memorial Day weekend, more than 360 Juniors, Seniors, alumni, and lecturers came together for the 44th annual AYF-YOARF Junior Seminar themed “Նայինք Յառաջ, Քալենք Յառաջ: Look forward, move forward.” With an excellent panel of lecturers ranging from our very own alumni to filmmakers and special guests from the Holy See, our days consisted of riveting lectures and discussions that could go on for hours, divided by field games or a few rounds of “Euzun Esheg” where the brave participated and the smart enjoyed a freeze pop under the sun.

Lectures:

Tamar Kanarian: Armenian Identity/Now What?
Josh Tevekelian: Leaders in Training Program
Ara Sarajian, Nairi Khachatourian, Carnie Armenian: Centennial Recap
Zohrab Khaligian: The ARF Today
Steve Mesrobian: The ANCA
Sahak Zakarian: Javakhk
Phil Nigon: Taking the Initiative
Stephanie Ayanyan: A New Armenia
His Holiness Vehapar Aram I: Q&A Session

It seems that our Junior Seminars get more exciting each year.

For some it may have been making their mark on the “#NeverForget1915” banner with well over 3,000 signatures. For others, finally having their chance to ride a golf cart or raise the flag singing our anthem. And for many it may have been the Q&A session or taking a selfie with His Holiness Vehapar Aram I.

Josh Tevekelian runs the Leaders in Training Program 

Our evenings, on the other hand, were more competitive: The night activities consisted of a talent show of our traditional music and dances, where each chapter’s performances were choreographed in detail and more exciting than the next; and Armenian trivia and scavenger hunts where Juniors were greeted by a mock Etchmiadzin service or jumped at answering questions earning points for their team.

Catholicos Aram I blesses the Armenian tricolor 

Of course, Seminar would not be complete if it weren’t for more than 300 campers participating in a massive shourchbar followed by revolutionary songs standing arm in arm.

The range of lectures and activities at AYF Junior Seminar this year were more than ample to keep everyone engaged throughout the weekend, not wanting one activity to end but looking forward to the next. I’m sure if it weren’t for the need for fresh laundry, we would have refused getting on the busses Monday morning, hoping to stay longer.

Generations of AYF-ers can vouch that when the youth of our community come together for the Armenian Cause we accomplish what cannot be put in to words. We are not only revitalized as individuals but empowered as an organization.

Those of you who have had the opportunity to experience this, to be a part of something greater, know the potential that being involved in our community holds. Our youth are our next generation of modern-day leaders. The next Dro, Sosse Mayrig, and Papken Suini lies within us, within the AYF. Նայինք Յառաջ, Քալենք Յառաջ.

A scene from the flag raising ceremony 

Catholicos Aram I signs the #neverforget1915 banner 

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Bohjalian: Murder Cannot Be Hid Long. The Truth Will Out.

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The Armenian Weekly Magazine
April 2015: A Century of Resistance

In March I spent three days at “Responsibility 2015,” the conference on the Armenian Genocide sponsored by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation held in Manhattan. At the end of the final day, I was at once invigorated and exhausted. I was inspired by the passion of the artists and activists and intellectuals, and I was emotionally wrung out by the realities of imagining for three days the genocide that a century ago this month was commencing.

It was impossible not to contemplate my visits to Western Armenia, and what I have seen there. I was brought back to Van and Kharpert and Diyarbakir. I was brought back to Chunkush and the Dudan Crevasse. And I was brought back to Digor.

The St. Sargis Church sits hidden on a ledge halfway down a steep ravine. (photo: Victoria Blewer)

Digor isn’t on a lot of the maps that we Armenian pilgrims follow on our journeys back into the world that was ours once. It’s a town of about 2,500 people, mostly Kurds. But it’s not far from Ani. It’s no more than 20 miles from the Armenian border. The editor of this newspaper, Nanore Barsoumian, has been there. So has her predecessor, Khatchig Mouradian.

At some point in the 1950’s, a small Turkish military contingent drove to a rocky plateau west of Digor and placed dynamite inside the five medieval stone churches that comprised the isolated Armenian monastery of Khdzgonk. And then they blew them up.

Most of them, anyway. I had heard that one proud section of the largest of the five churches, St. Sargis, was still standing.

We all know the appalling lengths to which Turkey will go to deny the genocide. We know the government is pathologic; we know that it approaches the culpability of the Ottoman regime with a despicable, Stalin-like determination to rewrite history via lies and bluster and threats.

But if you want to see firsthand the lengths to which the government has gone to deny the historical reality of the Armenian presence on the Anatolian plains, visit St. Sargis. I journeyed there last summer with my family.

St. Sargis is not easy to find. The monastery compound is only eight miles as the crow flies from Digor, but it sits hidden on a ledge halfway down a steep ravine. We only found it because we were traveling with Khatchig, who knew the mayor of Digor, who, in turn, offered us a guide from the village to lead us there.

But we hiked through the desert-like hills to the edge of a plateau, looked down, and there it was: St. Sargis. The center of the church and the iconic Armenian dome, despite great gaping holes in the walls, had survived the blast.

St. Sargis Church (photo: Victoria Blewer)

I remember wondering when I was climbing several hundred feet down the vertigo-inducing ridge into the sheltered ravine, did the Turkish soldiers lower their dynamite over the side of the cliff with pulleys and ropes, or did they carry it in their packs? Clearly they’d needed a lot: I’d seen black and white photographs of the five-church compound. The churches had been constructed between the 11th and 13th centuries, and they had been built to last.

I’ve visited a lot of Armenian ruins across Historic Armenia—perhaps as many as 30 or 40 different monasteries and churches in places that most North Americans outside of our community couldn’t find on a map. In some ways, it’s reminiscent of visiting a castle keep in Scotland or the ancient city in Rome. The soul wonders at the past and we are left wistful by the ephemerality of our lives.

But here is how it is different: Often these ruins—while as old as some Roman temples or the remnants of a tower in the Scottish highlands—were the homes to vital, vibrant, and active congregations or monasteries a mere hundred years ago. When Babe Ruth was playing baseball. When Scott Fitzgerald was honing his craft. When Alexander Graham Bell in New York was ringing a fellow named Watson in California.

By the 1950’s, when the locals who live in Digor recall the Turkish soldiers blowing up the 5 churches, the monastery had been sitting empty for less than 40 years.

Today much of the rubble has disappeared back into the earth. Scrub brush and dirt have slowly buried the shattered stonework, as well as the walls of the chapels that were blown out and into the nearby crevasse.

The last stage in any genocide is denial. My sense is that’s why decades after evicting the monks, the Turks tried to blow up the site—one of perhaps dozens of churches they would destroy in the 1950’s.

It wasn’t enough to ethnically cleanse the Armenians from the country; it was important to scour away any trace that once upon a time we had lived there, too—even in a ravine in the absolute middle of nowhere.

It wasn’t enough to ethnically cleanse the Armenians from the country; it was important to scour away any trace that once upon a time we had lived there, too—even in a ravine in the absolute middle of nowhere. My wife and I speculated that the only reason St. Sargis remains is because the soldiers ran out of dynamite and it was too much work to bother coming back to finish the job.

But, as Shakespeare observed, the truth will out.

The full quote is even more meaningful here: “Truth will come to light; murder cannot be hid long…at the length truth will out.”

Indeed: Murder cannot be hid long.

As drained as I was at the end of “Responsibility 2015,” I was also confident that we—Armenians—are winning. We really are. While so many of our ancestors’ voices were stilled, their descendants are speaking more passionately and powerfully than ever. “Long” is a relevant term. A century is but a blink in geologic terms.

You can blow up a monastery. But you can’t bulldoze the truth.

 

The paperback of Chris Bohjalian’s most recent novel, Close Your Eyes, Hold Hands, was published in May.

The post Bohjalian: Murder Cannot Be Hid Long. The Truth Will Out. appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Centennial Commemoration Held at Ramapo College

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Zarakolu, Barsoumian Discuss Turkey’s ‘Denial Industry’

MAHWAH, N.J.— A conversation between activist, writer, and publisher Ragip Zarakolu and Armenian Weekly editor Nanore Barsoumian was recently organized by the Gross Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies in commemoration of the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide. The event, which was held at Ramapo College, focused on “The Denial Industry in Turkey,” that is, the continued denial of the Armenian Genocide through official and unofficial avenues in Turkey.

Following opening remarks by Michael Riff, director of the Gross Center, Ani Tchaghlasian, board member of the Gross Center, introduced the two discussants.

Zarakolu, Barsoumian Discuss Turkey’s ‘Denial Industry’

The conversation touched on the state-driven education system in Turkey that vilifies Armenians; the murder of Hrant Dink and its aftermath; the Dogu Perincek case; the recent “condolences” messages issued by the Turkish government; the reality in which Armenian identity has survived among descendants of survivors in Turkey; the different views among progressive intellectuals in Turkey about what justice might look like for the Armenians; the role of the media in recent years—from the days leading up to the murder of Hrant Dink to the present; and the exporting of denial.

Zarakolu has been subjected to a lifetime of harassment from Turkish authorities. He highlighted what he called a “memocide,” or the killing of memory—the prevailing atmosphere in Turkey when he first published a book on the Armenian Genocide—and spoke about the challenges he has faced for the work done through his publishing house.

Zarakolu graduated from college in 1968 and began writing for the magazines “Ant” and “Yeni Ufuklar,” which focused on issues of social justice in Turkey. In 1971, a military government assumed power in Turkey and instituted a crackdown on writers it deemed subversive. Following a conviction and a three-year prison sentence, Zarakolu steadfastly refused to abandon his campaign for freedom of thought, striving for an “attitude of respect for different thoughts and cultures to become widespread in Turkey.”

Eventually, Zarakolu turned his attention to Turkey’s denial of the Armenian Genocide, beginning in 2004 with his publication of the Turkish translation of British author George Jerjian’s book, The Truth Will Set Us Free: Armenians and Turks Reconciled. He was immediately prosecuted under Article 159 of the Turkish Penal Code, which made it illegal to “insult or belittle” various state institutions. That was replaced in March 2005 with the now-infamous Article 301, a new version of the insult law that conservative prosecutors have since used against dozens of writers, journalists, and publishers in Turkey.

Having been acquitted for the publication of several similar titles, in June 2008 Zarakolu was convicted of “insulting the state” under Article 301 for publishing Jerjian’s book. He was sentenced to a five-month prison term, which was subsequently commuted to a fine. He is appealing the conviction.

Barsoumian’s writings focus on human rights, politics, poverty, and environmental and gender issues. She has reported from Armenia, Nagorno-Karabagh, Javakhk, and Turkey.

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‘We’re Still Here’: Protesters Enter Day 31 of Camp Armen Occupation

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ISTANBUL (A.W.)—Protesters entered day 31 of a live-in demonstration at Camp Armen, the former Armenian summer camp located in the Tuzla district of Istanbul on June 5. After weeks of protest, the current owner of the campground Fatih Ulusoy said he would sign the transfer of the property over to the Gedikpaşa Armenian Evangelical Church Foundation; so far, the deed has not been transferred.

A banner reads ‘This is the beginning, continue to struggle!’ in Turkish, and “We were, we are, and we will remain,’ in Armenian at the entrance of the camp (Photo: Nor Zartonk Facebook page)

“For the past three weeks we have been told that the deed will be transferred. Week after week we wait for the return [of the camp], but nothing has happened so far,” Nor Zartonk member Sayat Tekir told the Armenian Weekly. Tekir said that the reports claiming that the deed for the camp had been returned to the foundation were false, and only a ploy to garner votes in the run-up to Sunday’s parliamentary elections.

On May 23, Ulusoy said he would sign the transfer of the property over to the foundation. Ulusoy’s statement came after weeks of protests by local activists on the camp grounds, demanding that the site, which faced demolition, be returned to its Armenian owners.

“Today, we entered the 31st day of our resistance. People must know that the struggle is ongoing and that the reports of any return are false. Unfortunately, some of these lies are spread in an effort to win votes,” Tekir said. The Nor Zartonk Armenian movement of Istanbul has led a campaign to occupy the grounds of the camp since bulldozers arrived to demolish it in early May.

Uraz Kaspar and Sayat Tekir of the Nor Zartonk Movement in a press conference on June 4 (Photo: Kamp Armen Yıkılmasın Facebook page)

Tekir says that negotiations are ongoing between the government and Ulusoy in order to agree on a price for which the owner will decide to “donate” the property to the Gedikpaşa Foundation. Tekir says the Turkish government is in favor of solving the issue outside of the courts, since a trial would set a precedent for other confiscated properties. “There are many other seized assets throughout the country. If the problem were to be resolved through the right channels, the judicial system, it would set an example for people to demand other confiscated assets,” Tekir said. “The government will do its best to avoid that.”

Morale is high among demonstrators, who have remained on the campground for a month now. “Around 40-50 of us have been here full-time, from the beginning. During the week, we have between 100-150 supporters joining us—and well over 500 on the weekends,” said Tekir.

A count of the number of days of occupation (Photo: Kamp Armen Yıkılmasın Facebook page)

“While we are here, we have also been busy maintaining and renovating the camp,” said Tekir, adding that they have run electricity throughout the camp and set up plumbing since occupying the grounds. “Renovations can get expensive, but people who support us have been willing to help. We’ve had a lot of tradesmen come and lend their talents to us,” he explained, and noted that about a third of the camp was demolished and since then, activists have helped clear unsafe areas.

Tekir remains hopeful that the camp will be returned to the Armenian community, but says we shouldn’t celebrate too soon. “We have suffered so much in the past that we’re quick to rejoice at the slightest hint of good news. We’ve been deceived and cheated many times because of this,” said Tekir. “This time is different, though. From the first day of the occupation we promised that we will stay here until the deed is transferred, and that hasn’t changed. We’re still here.”

 

 

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Voters Hit the Polls in Pivotal Parliamentary Election in Turkey

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DIYARBAKIR, Turkey (A.W.)—Voters in Turkey headed to the polls today in what may prove to be one of the most critical elections in the country’s modern history. The pro-Kurdish People’s Democratic Party (HDP) hopes to break the 10 percent barrier to send MPs to Parliament, and prevent the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) from gaining enough seats to change the constitution.

A man casts his vote in a Diyarbakir polling station (Photo: Gulisor Akkum)

There are 53.5 million eligible voters, and 550 parliamentary seats to fill. In the 2011 parliamentary election, the pro-Kurdish party (named BDP at that point) candidates ran as independents to avoid the 10 percent barrier. Thirty-six of them were elected.

Voters hit the polls in Turkey on June 7 (Photo: Gulisor Akkum)

HDP candidates this year include Armenians, Yezidis, and Assyrians alongside Kurds. Moreover, HDP has 268 female candidates, the highest number of women among the political parties running for election. During the presidential election last year, HDP’s candidate secured 9.76 percent of the votes.

Among HDP’s Armenian candidates are Murad Mihçi, Filor Uluk Benli, and Garapet (Garo) Paylan. The ruling AKP’s list also has an Armenian candidate, Markar Esayan, who is a columnist in the daily pro-AKP Aksam newspaper. Another Armenian, Selina Özuzun Doğan, is running on the Republican People’s Party (CHP) list.

On June 5, 2 explosions hit the city of Diyarbakir, where HDP co-chairman Selahattin Demirtaş was scheduled to make a public appearance. At least two deaths were reported following the attack, and more than 200 people were wounded. Despite their injuries—some severe—photos of bandaged voters casting their ballots went viral on social media.

Photos of bandaged voters casting their ballots went viral on social media.

On May 18, two explosions targeted HDP offices in Mersin and Adana. The attack in Mersin reportedly took place ahead of a public rally when Demirtaş was scheduled to speak.

The AKP needs 367 seats in order to introduce the “new constitution,” an objective President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has talked about on many occasions. The new constitution would turn Turkey from a parliamentary system into an executive presidency, giving the president more powers.

 

Armenian Weekly correspondent Gulisor Akkum filed this report from Diyarbakir.

The post Voters Hit the Polls in Pivotal Parliamentary Election in Turkey appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

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