The Human Rights Association of Turkey and the Center for Truth Justice Memory released a statement announcing that they would become an intervening party in the Doğu Perinçek versus Switzerland case. Their full statement is below.

On Jan. 28, 2015, the Doğu Perinçek versus Switzerland lawsuit will begin retrial in the Grand Chamber, which acts in the capacity of the court of appeals for the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR).

It is now common knowledge that in 2005, Doğu Perinçek traveled to Switzerland, which has officially recognized the Armenian Genocide and passed a law criminalizing its denial, in order to issue declarations in Bern and Lausanne questioning the veracity of the Armenian Genocide.

In 2007, Perinçek was found guilty of deliberately violating the [Swiss] national law and was convicted by the court of Lausanne. Upon Perinçek’s appeal, the European Court of Human Rights in 2008 ruled in his favor, and found that the court of Lausanne had violated the freedom of expression principle enshrined in the European Convention of Human Rights, Article 10.

The Human Rights Association sent a letter to the Swiss Federal Office of Justice in 2014, demonstrating in detail how the denial of the Armenian Genocide incites hostility toward Armenians.

The Human Rights Association sent a letter to the Swiss Federal Office of Justice in 2014, demonstrating in detail how the denial of the Armenian Genocide incites hostility toward Armenians, and implored Switzerland to appeal the ECHR decision. Switzerland’s subsequent appeal and request for retrial were accepted in June 2014.

The first hearing of the said retrial will take place on Jan. 28, 2015.

The Human Rights Association of Turkey joined the Center for Truth Justice Memory and the Toronto-based International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies to appeal to the ECHR in July and to present a Third Party Opinion File (i.e., to be accepted as an intervening party). The ECHR approved this request by the three human rights organizations.

We have explained in this file that the denial of the Armenian Genocide provokes ethnic hatred in Turkey and encourages anti-Armenian elements. Neither the ECHR ruling nor the file we have presented as a third party concerns itself with the historical reality of the 1915-17 massacres or their precise legal definition. The crux of the issue lies in the fact that Perinçek’s declarations are conducive to racism and discrimination. In this sense, the retrial in the Grand Chamber carries special significance as a precedent in addressing denial, minimization, and justification in a context outside of the Holocaust.

The ECHR decision had restricted denialism and discrimination and their effect on Swiss Armenians, and disregarded Perinçek’s leadership of the Talat Pasha Committee, as well as the fact that his refutations of the genocide as an international lie have direct bearing on the Armenians of Turkey, even if they were pronounced in Lausanne. We have therefore argued in our file that Perinçek’s declarations do not only concern the definition of events, but also commit the crime of discrimination; that the ruling must take into account Perinçek’s position as a prominent politician from Turkey, the head of the Labor Party, and the leader of the Talat Pasha Committee—as well as that committee’s objectives and operations.

Yes, the act that was found criminal according to Swiss law was committed on Swiss soil, but the Talat Pasha Committee and its leaders, including Perinçek, have been conducting operations in Turkey and targeting Turkish society. The recipient of their message—which said that those who listen to Armenians will be subject to intervention and retribution, even if they are at the other ends of the world—was Turkish society. The same Turkish society that is being targeted by this message has been fueled by hostility toward Armenians and other non-Muslim peoples for generations. Anti-Armenian sentiments and thoughts have been exacerbated throughout republican history by the constant dogma, mass media dissemination, and educational indoctrination of the notion that the eradication of the Ottoman-Armenian population and civilization is a lie.

Denialism does not simply consist of declarations along the lines of “no genocide has taken place.” Denialism requires the justification of the irreversible and inexpiable eradication of a people: the notion that “it is Armenians who are responsible for the events”–namely that Armenians deserved eradication, that they had “stabbed Turks in the back” and collaborated with the enemy–has always been and is still perpetually reiterated in classrooms, university conferences, TV series and programs, and books.

The Center for Truth Justice Memory, together with the Human Rights Association of Turkey, announced that they would become an intervening party in the Doğu Perinçek versus Switzerland case.

Hostility toward Armenians is not confined to mere words but also takes lives. In this context of discrimination and ethnic hatred, Armenians were attacked and Hrant Dink, the founder and director of Agos, was the victim of an assassination whose perpetrators have yet to be brought to justice.

Armenian private Sevag Şahin Balıkçı was shot dead in 2011 by another soldier in Batman, Turkey, where he was on military duty, specifically on the day of April 24, the universal day of commemoration marking the beginning of the Armenian Genocide. Court proceedings have been met with significant public distrust, while the press has indicated that commanders pressured privates to testify that the incident was “an accident.” Furthermore, the “Hodjali Protests” of Feb. 27, 2012, which took place in the central Taksim Square and featured as a speaker the Minister of Internal Affairs, displayed banners proclaiming, “You Are All Armenians, You Are All Bastards.”

Within the span of two months from 2012-13, the Samatya district of Istanbul, which is densely populated by Armenians, saw similar and successive attacks on elderly Armenian women—among them the murder victim Maritsa Küçük, whose bones were smashed and entire body was relentlessly stabbed. And on Feb. 23, 2014, banners that read“Long Live Ogün Samasts, Damned Be Hrant Dinks” were displayed, unprohibited, in front of the newspaper Agos.

In sum, genocide denial is the chief, most fundamental basis for the state-sanctioned threat to existence under which Armenians continue to live in Turkey.

As two human rights associations that have witnessed first-hand and up close the provocation of ethnic hatred by anti-Armenian acts and declarations, we, the Human Rights Association and the Center for Truth Justice Memory, consider it our natural duty, as per our raison d’être and field of operation, to present our observations to the European Court of Human Rights in order to contribute to the making of a fair and just decision.

Finally, we insist yet again: Denial causes hatred, and hatred kills. We defend the inalienability of the right to live in safety, unafraid of tomorrow, and hope that the European Court of Human Rights will, in the name of the universal law of human rights, obstruct discourses that incite acts in violation of this inalienable right.

İnsan Hakları Derneği (Human Rights Association)

Hakikat Adalet Hafıza Merkezi (Center for Truth Justice Memory)

The post Turkish Human Rights Organizations to Become Intervening Party in Perinçek Case appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

About a week before the Perincek versus Switzerland retrial was scheduled to begin at the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) on Jan. 28, a Turkish court handed down a 10-month prison sentence to long-time human rights activist and lawyer Eren Keskin.

A Turkish court handed down a ten-month prison sentence to longtime human rights activist and lawyer Eren Keskin.

Keskin is a member and former chair of the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association of Turkey, an organization that has offered its testimony in favor of Armenia to the ECHR regarding the Perincek case.

You might have guessed it: Keskin was charged with Article 301 of the Turkish penal code, for “insulting Turkishness” and the Turkish state.

She had dared to criticize the state over the murder of a 12-year-old boy, Ugur Kaymaz, and his father by police in the south-eastern city of Mardin during a panel discussion in 2005.

“The state has such a violent mentality that it would kill a 12-year-old,” Keskin had said in a statement that brought on the charges.

The judge expressed fear that Keskin might repeat her speech crime–that she is a habitual criminal “who won’t refrain from committing future crimes”–and thus refused to fine her instead or suspend her sentence.

Keskin will appeal the sentence, according to reports. She has refuted the judge’s ruling, saying that she has no criminal record. “I am being convicted for thought crime,” she was quoted as saying.

Keskin has a track record of activities that challenge the state’s policy of abuse against women, minorities, and history. She was imprisoned in 1995 for her human rights work, and was labeled a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International.  She’s been outspoken about abuses against women in Turkish prisons, and has established projects to offer legal aid to women who have suffered at the hands of Turkish security forces.

In 2006, Keskin was sentenced to a 10-month prison term for insulting the Turkish military. Her sentence was later changed to a fine of 6,000 liras. She refused to pay it.

Keskin, an Armenian Weekly contributor, has also spoken against Turkey’s denialist policy. Her first article for the Weekly addressed the Turkish-Armenian protocols, which she vehemently rejected. She wrote, “The only thing that should be normal is accepting the fact of the genocide, with all its consequences, and apologizing to the Armenian nation.”

Recently, she was a signatory to a statement that condemned anti-Armenian rhetoric in primary and middle school textbooks in Turkey.

Rewind to Jan. 11,  when in a bizarre attempt to show solidarity with a wounded France, Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu joined world leaders on the streets of Paris to condemn the attack on the French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo.

It was clear that the march had been hijacked by leaders from some of the most repressive governments—leaders that Reporters Without Borders labeled as “predators.” Their presence was a cruel joke for the thousands currently persecuted under their leadership.

After the rally, once at the Turkish Embassy, Davutoglu held a press conference and preached about “human values,” “human dignity,” and “sensitivity.” Meanwhile, his government continues to cover up one of the greatest crimes in recent memory, upholds a policy of oppression, and continues to harass activists, journalists, and writers in an attempt to silence all dissent.

The emergence of the “New Turkey” touted by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is cynical, authoritarian, and stands on shaky foundations that are built on decades of abuse and oppression.

Davutoglu’s presence at the Paris Unity Rally was a crude joke, and Keskin’s prison sentence the delayed punchline.

The post The Punchline: Keskin Heads to Prison? appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation-Dashnaktsutyun (ARF-D) convened its 32^nd World Congress in Dilijan, Armenia, from Jan. 16 and 24. Delegates from all ARF-D organizational regions and party members with consultative status participated.

The 32nd World Congress of the ARF concluded on Jan. 24.

The World Congress examined and assessed the activity, achievements, and shortcomings of the party during the past term, and prepared its political roadmap and strategy for the coming four years. The Congress also prepared an action plan and decided the party’s position on foreign and domestic fronts based on its pan-Armenian and Armenia-centered worldview.

The Congress noted that:

1. Armenia and Armenians face serious challenges concerning the strengthening of the independent republics of Armenia and Artsakh, effective government, joining forces and securing favorable conditions for the actualization of our people’s goals.
2. Imperfections within Armenia’s political system, difficulties in anchoring democracy within the country, the unhealthy moral-psychological environment and injustice undermine society’s trust towards its own state. A comprehensive overhaul of Armenia’s current economic policy is necessary to combat large-scale unemployment and poverty as well as the rampant emigration plaguing the country.
3. The principle domestic political issues Armenia faces today are the establishment of a joint government-opposition political system, the separation of business from politics, the election of an effective government that stands as an expression of the people’s will, the establishment of social justice, and the full protection of the rights of the citizen.
4. Major powers have intensified their efforts within the South Caucasus and the wider region, striving to extend and strengthen their zones of influence.
5. Armenia’s accession to the Eurasian Economic Union has created new strategic challenges for the country.
6. Azerbaijan has intensified its bellicose policy towards Armenia with frequent violations of the ceasefire, increasing the risk of confrontation.
7. Turkey is implementing an aggressive policy aimed at restoring its former imperial reach. Such a policy disrupts and physically endangers Armenian communities living in proximity to our homeland.

The Congress established that the ARF-D shall pursue:

1. The radical change of the political system of the Republic of Armenia through constitutional reforms and the pursuit of social justice.
2. Efforts towards the peaceful settlement of the Artsakh conflict and recognition of Artsakh’s independence, to collectively counter the risks that threaten the security of our homeland.
3. A renewal phase for the Armenian Cause on the Centenary of the Armenian Genocide, with territorial demands as a strategic objective, coupled with the pursuit of a coordinated, pan-Armenian plan for genocide recognition and reparations.
4. The protection of the rights of Javakhk-Armenians, and the preservation of Javakhk’s Armenian identity as a key element in the development of closer Armenia-Georgia ties.
5. Full political, financial, and moral support for the Syrian-Armenian community in their struggle for self-preservation.
6. Supporting the viability of diasporan communities and Armenia-diaspora relations by harnessing the collective strength of Armenian communities worldwide.

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation-Dashnaktsutyun also expressed its full support of the Armenian Armed Forces, “the principle guarantors of the independence of the Republics of Armenia and Artsakh, who day in, day out stand as guardians of our homeland and our people’s safety and peace, despite the many dangers they face.”

On the occasion of its 125^th anniversary, the ARF-D renewed its commitment to devoting its efforts to tackling the challenges facing Armenia and Armenians, in order to make Armenia an important factor in the region, strengthen its sovereignty, and realize the full potential of the Armenian nation.

The post Declaration of 32nd ARF World Congress appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

NEW YORK—Scholars Israel Charny, Roger Smith, and David Gaunt are among the confirmed speakers at “Responsibility 2015,” the international conference marking the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide, to be held on March 13-15, 2015, at New York’s Marriott Marquis Hotel.

Israel Charny

Charny is the executive director of the Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide in Jerusalem, which he founded with the late Shamai Davidson, M.D., and Elie Wiesel in 1979. He has been devoted to the study of the Holocaust and genocide since the mid-1960’s. He is the editor of Encyclopedia of Genocide, written by nearly 100 experts from many countries. This 2-volume, 720-page reference tool, which brings together the results of decades of scholarship in a single edition, was published in 1999. He is a founder, alongside Helen Fein, Robert Melson, and Roger Smith, of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, which was established in 1994.

Roger Smith

Smith is Professor Emeritus of Government at the College of William and Mary in Virginia, where he has taught political theory and the comparative study of genocide. He has written extensively on the nature, language, history, and denial of genocide. In addition to numerous articles, he is the editor and co-author of Guilt: Man and Society, and editor of Genocide: Essays Toward Understanding, Early-Warning, and Prevention. Since 2003, he has been the director of the Genocide and Human Rights University Program, and since 2004, chair of the International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies (a division of the Zoryan Institute).

David Gaunt

Gaunt is Professor of History at Södertörn University College in Stockholm, Sweden. He is a social historian who has written widely on the history of minorities and everyday life. He is the author of Massacres, Resistance, Protectors: Muslim-Christian Relations in Eastern Anatolia during World War I, a seminal work on the Assyrian Genocide. Gaunt completed his doctorate at Uppsala University in 1975.

Earlier, the organizers had announced the names of other confirmed speakers, including jurist Geoffrey Robertson, actor and playwright Eric Bogosian, photojournalist Scout Tufankjian, novelist Chris Bohjalian, scholars Richard Hovannisian, Debórah Dwork, Raymond Kévorkian, Roy L. Brooks, Elisa Von Joeden-Forgey, Janna Thompson, and Jermaine McCalpin, and journalists Robert Fisk, Laure Marchand, Guillaume Perrier, and David Barsamian.

The “Responsibility 2015” Conference is being organized by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Eastern U.S. Centennial Committee, under the auspices of the Armenian Genocide Centennial Committee of America, Eastern Region.

Evening sessions bringing together policymakers, political leaders, artists, and celebrities known for their activism and humanitarian work will highlight the theme of responsibility to confront past injustices and struggle towards preventing new ones.

The conference begins with a plenary sessions on Fri., March 13. The final panel concludes on March 15 at 4:30 p.m. Registration will open in February.

Photography and art exhibits with the theme of survival will be held at the same venue for the duration of the conference.

The organizing committee is comprised of the following scholars and activists: Khatchig Mouradian and Hayg Oshagan, co-chairs; George Aghjayan, Kim Hekimian, Antranig Kasbarian, Sarkis Balkhian and Henry Theriault.

For periodic updates, please contact conference coordinator Maral Choloyan at info@responsibility2015.org, or visit the conference Facebook page or the conference website, http://responsibility2015.org.

The post Charny, Smith, and Gaunt to Speak at Centennial Conference in NY appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

VIENNA (A.W.)—The World Council of the International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY) will take place in Yerevan from May 7-10. The Armenian Youth Federation (AYF) of Armenia will be the host organization of the Council.

The World Council of the International Union of Socialist Youth will be taking place in Yerevan between May 7 and 10.

The announcement came in the form of a letter posted on the IUSY website (www.iusy.org) and signed by IUSY President Felipe Jeldres, IUSY Secretary General Evin Incir, and Armenian Youth Federation of Armenia Secretary General Sarkis Megerdichian.

Titled “An Equal World is Possible,” the Council is tasked with examining “the challenges of today and tomorrow” to propose solutions for a more equal and just world.

Founded in 1907, IUSY is the biggest political youth organization in the world, representing about 140 organizations from more than 100 countries. As the youth of Socialist International (SI), IUSY brings together socialist, social democratic, and labor political youth organizations from around the world to fight for freedom and human rights, social justice and democracy, peaceful solutions to political problems, and ending all forms of discrimination.

The youth organization of the ARF, the Armenian Youth Federation, is a full member of IUSY and an observer member of the European Community Organization of Socialist Youth (ECOSY).

Below is the invitation letter in full.

***

Dear Comrades,

We have the pleasure of inviting you to the forthcoming:

IUSY WORLD COUNCIL 2015

– An Equal World Is Possible

Yerevan, Armenia – 7th May to 10th May 2015

“Peace is something more than the absence of war, although some nations would be thankful for that alone today. A durable and equitable peace system requires equal development opportunities for all nations.”

– Willy Brandt

2015 is an important year for the future of international development. The UN Special Summit on Sustainable Development, the UN Climate Change Conference, and the European Year for Development are just a few landmarks that will outline the work of the international community on the struggle for peace, equality, and sustainable development in the upcoming years.

It is also the time for us to discuss together the challenges of today and tomorrow in order to propose our solutions for a more equal and fair world. Together we will make an equal world for all possible!

Please make sure to save this date. More information will follow in a few days.

We are looking forward to meeting you all again to enjoy both fun and politics. Our hosting organization, AYF in Armenia, is happy to welcome you all in Yerevan.

With Socialist Regards,

Felipe Jeldres  (IUSY President)

Evin Incir (IUSY Secretary General)

Sarkis Megerdichian  (AYF Secretary General)

The post IUSY World Council 2015 to Take Place in Armenia appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Dr. Henry Astarjian Provides Analysis in Armenian Weekly Interview

Militants of the Islamic State (IS) have burnt down an Armenian Church in Mosul, northern Iraq, reported Erbil-based BasNews. IS insurgents have been continuously destroying churches, shrines and homes since taking control of the city in 2014.

Armenians celebrate Diarentarach at the St. Etchmiadzin Church in Mosul in February 2014. (Photo: Iraqi Armenians Facebook page)

BasNews cited a Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) official, Saed Mamuzini, from Mosul as its source. “The church belongs to the Armenian Christians and was regularly used for worship,” Mamuzini was quoted as saying.

The Armenian Weekly contacted Weekly contributor and author of The Struggle for Kirkuk, Dr. Henry Astarjian, for his analysis of the situation. “This is a part of ISIS’ fanatic plan to destroy anything and everything which is Christian,” said Dr. Astarjian. “Where do Armenians stand you ask? We have no national interest in Iraq. We have no land claims in Iraq, and historically we’ve had no issues with Iraqis. In Mosul, where the general population is Sunni, the locals have helped in establishing a viable Armenian community. They have been only good to us after the Genocide, while Armenian know-how and craftsmanship have helped advance civil life in Mosul,” he said.

During World War I, Astarjian’s uncle, Dr. Krikor Abraham Astarjian, was sent to the then villayet of Mosul as a military doctor. There, between 1915 and 1917, he helped approximately 3,000 Armenian refugees who were deported from Erzurum—and were fleeing the Genocide, starved and ravaged—relocate to Mosul.

“This was the beginning of the first organized Armenian community in Mosul,” explained Astarjian. “There were a few prominent Armenian families before the Genocide, like the Chakmakians and the Kouyumjians, however, they had no church or school. Most of Mosul’s Armenian community was formed as a result of the Genocide; and the church which was burnt now was built by them,” he added.

“Most of Mosul’s Armenian community was formed as a result of the Genocide; and the church which was burnt now was built by them.”

It is estimated that over 25,000 Armenians fled to Iraq during and after the Armenian Genocide. These refugees formed a viable community, establishing churches, religious and political institutions, schools and cultural and athletic centers across the country.

The roots of the contemporary Iraqi-Armenian community largely stem from Shah Abbas’ forced relocation of the Armenian population to Iran in 1604. At the time, some of the deportees subsequently moved to Iraq, according to historian Hrair Dekmejian’s chapter, “The Armenian Diaspora,” in Richard Hovannisian’s (ed.) The Armenian People.

Before the rise of IS, around 15,000 Armenians had remained in Iraq post U.S. invasion, primarily in the cities of Baghdad, Basrah, Kirkuk, and Mosul. After IS militants took control of Mosul in June 2014, around 60 Armenian families and other Christians fled to the provinces of Kurdistan. Reportedly, there are no Armenians left in Mosul today.

According to the Assyrian International News Agency (AINA), IS has destroyed, occupied, converted to mosques, converted to IS headquarters or shuttered all 45 Christian institutions in Mosul.

On Jan. 21, Kurdish Peshmerga fighters aided by U.S. airstrikes began a campaign to retake the city of Mosul. Around 5,000 Kurdish Peshmerga fighters liberated multiple villages around the city, but not the city itself, amid speculation that the Iraqi Army was preparing for an assault on Mosul. The following day, on Jan. 22, the U.S. increased its number of airstrikes near Mosul to a record number of 16. The campaign is ongoing, with increasing U.S. airstrikes.

The extent of the damage to the church is still unclear and the Armenian Weekly was unable to confirm the reports.

The post Armenian Church Torched, as Fighting Over Mosul Intensifies appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

YEREVAN (A.W.)— Jan. 27 marked the seventieth anniversary of the liberation of the biggest Nazi concentration camp at Auschwitz in south-western Poland. Over the years, Jan. 27 has come to be known as the International Holocaust Remembrance Day. On this occasion, Armenian President Serge Sarkisian issued a statement paying tribute to the victims of the Holocaust and standing in solidarity with the Jewish people. President Sarkisian also used the opportunity to highlight the fact that the Armenian people will be commemorating the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide in 2015 and that Armenians empathize with the pain of the Jewish people.

A scene from the commemoration event at the Holocaust Memorial monument in Yerevan on Jan. 27 (Photo: Photolure)

A commemoration event co-organized by the Armenian Foreign Ministry, the UN Armenia office, and the Jewish community in Armenia was held at Yerevan’s Holocaust Memorial monument on Jan. 27, reported ArmRadio. Participants placed flowers at the Memorial, said prayers, and held a candlelight vigil. The second part of the memorial ceremony was held at the National Library of Armenia, where an exhibit featured posters and publications on the history of the Holocaust.

During World War II, the Nazi regime and its collaborators carried out the death of an estimated 6 million Jews, 1 million Roma, 250,000 mentally and physically disabled people, and 9,000 homosexual men.

Below is the text of Sarkisian’s statement:

The genocide committed against the Jews during World War II was truly one of the cruelest and most tragic pages in human history. January 27, which symbolizes the liberation of the Auschwitz concentration camp, became one of the most important thresholds in putting an end to the evil of Holocaust.

Paying tribute to the victims of Holocaust and the condemnation of that crime is relevant as long as various expressions of hatred and intolerance based on national or racial origin, and religious background continue to reappear, and as long as the threat of recurrence of such crimes against humanity has not dissipated.

It is an unequivocal truth that consigning victims of genocides to oblivion and denial, particularly on the state-level, is a stage of that crime. That is a double crime committed against both the innocent victims and the current and future times. Perhaps, it might have been possible to prevent the crimes committed under the veil of World War II had the crimes against humanity committed during World War I earned unequivocal international condemnation, and had those responsible for them been duly punished.

Once again, I pay tribute to the memory of the innocent victims of Holocaust, and express our support and solidarity to the Jewish people, and the Jewish Community of Armenia. This year, Armenian people are commemorating the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide, and we, more than anyone, empathize with the pain of the Jewish people.

I reiterate our commitment to jointly struggle for the prevention of crimes against humanity, determined to proclaim “never again.”

The post Sarkisian Issues Statement on International Holocaust Remembrance Day appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

STRASBOURG (A.W.)—The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) held a Grand Chamber hearing on Jan. 28, in the case of Dogu Perincek v. Switzerland. The case stems from a Swiss court verdict that in 2007 fined Perincek, a Turkish ultranationalist activist and chairman of Turkey’s Workers’ Party, over his 2005 statement calling the Armenian Genocide an “international lie.” In appealing to the ECHR, Perincek’s defense argued that the Swiss court violated Perincek’s right to freedom of expression; the court ruled in their favor in 2013. On March 7, 2014, Switzerland filed an appeal, which led to today’s hearing.

Attorney Amal Clooney (L) criticized Turkey’s track record on violations of freedom of expression, calling it ‘disgraceful.’

The Armenian legal team was comprised of Armenia’s Prosecutor General Gevorg Kostanyan, and attorneys Geoffrey Ronald Robertson and Amal Alamuddin Clooney.

In his statements, Robertson said that Perincek is “a genocide denial forum shopper,” and that “He seeks out countries in Europe where he can be convicted and by so doing promote himself and his perverse view of history.” Robertson also referred to Perincek as a “vexatious litigant” and a “pest.”

A mere ‘opinion’

Mehmet Cengiz, representing Dogu Perincek, presented before the court first, and argued that Perincek’s motives were not of a racist nature, but that his statements were in essence a legal assessment of the “1915 events.”

“Dr. Perincek made a legal assessment. He did not ignore the massacres and the deportations; he did not deny the actus reus of the 1915 events. The dispute between the parties concerns the legal definition of the tragic events that took place a hundred years ago in the Ottoman Empire. Mr. Perincek defends that these events cannot be defined as a crime of genocide. Perincek rejects the judicial qualifications of the events as genocide and bases his opinions on the 1948 UN genocide convention,” said Cengiz, who also claimed that there is no consensus on the genocide. “Mr. Perincek made similar statements in both Germany and France and did not face similar charges,” he said.

Cengiz argued that Perincek had no racial motives, having spent his life countering racism. “You can seek many motivations, many intents… but even if you sought for 1,000 years, you won’t find a racist intent because Dr. Perincek has spent his lifetime fighting against racism, this is why he has served 14 years in prison… Take a look at his files: in every case he fought against racism.”

Perincek, on the other hand, spoke about “Europe’s tradition and heritage of liberty.” “Freedom of expression means liberty for different, even deviating opinions, and freedom is needed for those who oppose the status quo. If circulating opinions and prejudices cannot be discussed then there is no freedom,” said Perincek, adding, “We need to make sure we rid ourselves from the negative effects of judgements, opinions, which dates back to the First World War. The consciousness, the thinking of the Europeans about the event of 1915 should not be surrounded and besieged by prohibitions. Let us secure the freedom to access the truth.”

Perincek also spoke about “90 kilos” of documents that his team submitted to the court as evidence in an attempt to prove why the Armenian Genocide should not be labeled as such.

Perincek spoke about “the pain” he “shares” with the Armenian people, while claiming that massacres and forced deportations were “mutual” in the Ottoman Empire.

“Let us protect peace and brotherhood in Europe, in Turkey. The accusation of the Armenian Genocide has turned into a taboo, it’s turned into a tool to discriminate against Turkish people, to humiliate Turks,” said Perincek, adding, “Today Turks and Muslims are the black people of Europe. Let also the oppressed ones defend themselves.”

Perincek is greeted by members of the media (Photo: EAFJD)

Until two days before the hearing, Perincek was under a travel ban due to an ongoing Ergenekon related case against him. The Istanbul 4th High Criminal Court lifted the travel ban on Jan. 26. “Now, the [next step] is [for] the historical case in Strasbourg to finalize the lie of Armenian genocide,” read a statement released by the socialist Workers’ Party, which Perincek chairs, reported Turkish sources.

Christian Laurent Pech, also representing Perincek, said the trial was not about whether the proper characterization of what happened to the Armenians in 1915 is genocide. “In these troubled times, we find it important to recall that one of the main purposes of freedom of expression is to protect opinions that might not be popular whether in Switzerland, Turkey or elsewhere,” he said.

Stefan Talmon, representing the government of Turkey, argued that Perincek was merely sharing an opinion, which is not the same as targeting a certain group of people. “Calling something an ‘international lie’ is not the same as calling a certain group of persons ‘liars,’ as such, it has no racial connotation,” said Talmon.

A ‘well-reasoned’ judgment

Representing the government of Switzerland, Frank Schurmann laid out reasons why his government believes that the Swiss court handed down “well-reasoned judgments reaching a perfectly justifiable result.” He argued that the lower court in reaching its verdict ignored the context in which Perincek’s statements were uttered. He forcefully argued that victims of genocidal crimes, as well as their descendants, deserve to have their rights legally protected from statements that were an assault on their human dignity.

“It is not denial per se which warrants punishment, but the hate and discriminatory intent that must also be present,” argued Schurmann. “Let us also recall the applicant’s identification with Talaat Pasha, one of the instigators of the fact in issue, found guilty by the court martial of the Ottoman Empire,” he said, and cited the intervention offered to the court in favor of Armenia by Turkish human rights organizations, which helped further place Perincek’s statements into a larger context.

Professor Daniel Thurer also spoke on behalf of the Swiss government, providing further arguments and in support of the Swiss court’s position.

Genocide denial can have ‘double impact’

Armenia’s Prosecutor General Gevorg Kostanyan presented the history of the Armenian Genocide and introduced Geoffrey Robertson QC to address the Grand Chamber. Robertson, who is representing Armenia on behalf of Doughty Street Chambers along with human rights barrister, Amal Clooney, provided the court with an in-depth historical background of the Armenian Genocide and warned about the dangers of genocide denial.

“Genocide denial can have double impact. It can make genocide survivors and their children and grandchildren feel the worthlessness and contempt and inferiority that the initial perpetrators intended,” said Robertson, adding that denial can incite, “admirations for those perpetrators and a dangerous desire to emulate them.”

A scene from the hearing (Photo: EAFJD)

While there was much debate from Perincek’s counsel that the defendant did not have discriminatory intentions, Robertson reminded the Grand Chamber that the Swiss court had, in fact, decided that Perincek’s motives were racist, and that “his words in the Turkish language were designed to arouse his supporters in Turkey to hate Armenians and to applaud his hero Talaat Pasha, the Ottoman Hitler.” Robertson made it clear that Perincek traveled to Switzerland with the purpose of being convicted; something that he had tried doing in France, Germany, and most recently in Greece.

According to Robertson, the denial of the Armenian Genocide is inherently insulting to all Armenians. While he called the Holocaust an “appalling example of the worst of crimes against humanity,” he stated that it is wrong to excuse or to minimize other mass murders on the grounds of race and religion because they have fewer victims or different methods of killing. “What matters to Armenians, and Jews, and Bosnians, and Bengalis to Rwandan Tutsis and today, Yezidis, is not the manner of their death or whether an international court has convicted the perpetrators, but the fact that they were targeted as unfit to live because they were Jews or Armenians or Yezidis,” he explained.

Click here to view the embedded video.

Clooney offered further historical background on the Armenian genocide, citing that, “the most important error by the court below is that it cast doubt on the reality of the Armenian Genocide that the people suffered a hundred years ago.”  She argued that this finding on the genocide was not necessary in the case, that it was reached without a proper forensic process, and most importantly, that it was wrong.

“This court is not the forum and Mr. Perincek is not the case in which to determine state responsibility for the crime of genocide. But if this chamber were minded to make such a judicial determination, then Armenia must have its day in court. We would, in that case, welcome the opportunity to submit evidence, which we consider to be overwhelming, that the massacres that killed over a million Armenians would today be labelled as genocide,” said Clooney.

‘This court is not the forum and Mr. Perincek is not the case in which to determine state responsibility for the crime of genocide. But if this chamber were minded to make such a judicial determination, then Armenia must have its day in court. We would, in that case, welcome the opportunity to submit evidence, which we consider to be overwhelming, that the massacres that killed over a million Armenians would today be labelled as genocide.’

Clooney went on to criticize Turkey’s track record on violations of freedom of expression, calling it “disgraceful.” Speaking to the Grand Chamber, she outlined how the European Court of Human Rights had found against the Turkish government in 224 separate cases on freedom of expression grounds. She then made a reference to Hrant Dink who was prosecuted by Turkey and assassinated by a Turkish nationalist in 2007: “although this case involves a Turkish citizen, Armenia has every interest in ensuring that its own citizens do not get caught in the net that criminalizes freedom of speach too broadly and the family of Mr. Hrant Dink know that all too well.”

Clooney concluded her remarks by pointing out that Perincek and his colleges on the Talaat Pasha Committee, a committee named after the principle perpetrator of the Armenian Genocide and deemed to be xenophobic by the European Parliament, “celebrated the judgement in its current terms, and triumphantly complained that it has solved the Armenian question once and for all.” According to Clooney, the comments on the lower court judgement, “dishonor the memory of the Armenians who perished under the Ottoman Empire a century ago and assist those who will deny the genocide and incite racial hatred and violence,” expressing hope that the chamber would, “set the record straight.”

Click here to view the embedded video.

Comments, protests

Bedo Demirdjian, Communications and PR officer for the European Armenian Federation for Justice and Democracy (EAFJD), said that “denial of Genocide, inciting hate and making racist comments in Europe are not a right, but are crimes that should be punished accordingly.” EAFJD was involved in a supporting role to one of the third parties that intervened on behalf of Armenia.

Demirdjian, who followed the court hearings in Strasbourg, said that “Perincek’s defense tried to confuse the court by saying that he doesn’t refute the massacres of Armenians; acknowledges the pain suffered; and [argues] that Turks have also been killed, [which is why] we cannot give the Genocide [that] characterization. This is unacceptable to us: equating the victim and perpetrator. This is the official line of the Turkish state to whitewash their crime.”

Speaking to Yerkir Media a day before the trial, ARF Bureau member Mourad Papazian said, “We don’t think that the ECHR will side with Perincek and Turkey because truth is on our side.”

Hundreds of Turkish protestors gathered outside the courthouse (Photo: EAFJD)

According to police, hundreds of Turkish protestors gathered outside the courthouse, carrying Turkish and Azeri flags, portraits of Ataturk, and banners. Some began cheering as Perincek emerged from the court.

“The protestors were primarily Turkish nationalists, Kemalists, and Perincek-sympathisers, who had come to the court in busses. In reality, their protest does not present any real value to the case, since their voices were not heard inside the court,” said Papazian, who is also the chairman of the Co-ordination Council of Armenian organizations of France (CCAF), and had attended the trial.

Armenian organizational representatives from across Europe as well as dozens of Armenians also gathered in front of the Human Rights Court building, calling for an end to genocide denial.

To watch the full video of the hearing, click here.

The post ECHR Holds Hearing on Genocide Denial (Detailed Report) appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Supporters holding Armenian flags, candles, and images of Hrant Dink gathered in midtown Manhattan across the Turkish Consulate on Tuesday evening, Jan. 20, to honor the anniversary of—and seek justice for—the death of the fearless journalist, who was gunned down by Turkish militants eight years ago.

Taleen Babayan delivering her remarks about Hrant Dink’s life and legacy

The candlelight vigil memorial, organized by the New York Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) “Armen Garo” Gomideh, with support from the New York Armenian Youth Federation (AYF), was presided over by Rev. Fr. Nareg Terterian of the St. Sarkis Armenian Church in Douglaston, N.Y., and Rev. Fr. Mesrob Lakissian of the St. Illuminator’s Armenian Cathedral in Manhattan.

In her remarks, writer Taleen Babayan highlighted the strength and courage of a man who took a stand against injustice, not only for the Armenian citizens of Turkey but all marginalized groups unable to exercise their freedom of speech.

Supporters at the candlelight vigil in New York City, organized by the New York ARF ‘Armen Garo’ Gomideh

“As a journalist and, more importantly, as a human being, Hrant Dink served as the voice for the voiceless, he spoke out against oppression, and he advocated human rights in a world that needs it now more than ever. He wasn’t afraid to put his progressive thoughts to paper, to write words that fueled discussion and debate, because he did it for the betterment of his country of birth. His reach went beyond Armenians. His message was universal: equality and democracy for all.”

Babayan spoke of Dink’s bravery in the face of threats and the opportunities he had to leave Turkey and live safely in the diaspora like millions of other Armenians, but “he refused to abandon his cause and his people. He maintained his steely will in not only protecting his ideals and beliefs but fighting for them despite the seemingly endless obstacles he faced. And until his last moment on this Earth, he championed the truth and he upheld his cause.”

She urged Armenian communities around the world to allow Dink’s legacy to serve as inspiration and to “find what is missing in our community, what we can do to further our cause for genocide recognition, bolster our homeland, preserve our culture in the diaspora, and fill these needs without criticism but in unity and support of one another.”

The two-hour memorial included informational flyers distributed to passersby, prayers, chants for justice, and readings from Hrant Dink’s last columns by Sosy Tatarian.

“Hrant Dink reminds us that the most powerful way we can stand up to injustice is to stand by our words,” said Sossi Essajanian, a member of the “Armen Garo” Gomideh. “He lived the change he dreamed of in Turkey—of a place where people would be free to share their opinions and a place where being Armenian meant being an equal part of society.”

The post Hrant Dink Commemorated in NYC on Anniversary of Death appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

MAHWAH, N.J. (A.W.)—On Tues., Feb. 10, Haigazian University President Rev. Dr. Paul Haidostian will speak at Ramapo College on “The Scourge of Genocide: A Century of Angst in the Middle East,” exploring a century of violence from the Armenian Genocide to the rise of ISIS—and the angst it created among the peoples of the Middle East.

Rev. Dr. Paul Haidostian

Organized by the Gross Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Ramapo, the event will feature a conversation between Haidostian and Khatchig Mouradian, the coordinator of the Armenian Genocide Program at the Center for the Study of Genocide and Human Rights (CGHR) at Rutgers University.

Following a nine-year teaching career at the Near East School of Theology in Beirut, Haidostian was appointed in 2002 as president of Haigazian University, in Beirut, Lebanon.

Haidostian holds a B.A. in psychology from Haigazian University, a Master of Divinity (M.Div.) degree from the Near East School of Theology, and a Master of Theology (Th.M.) and Ph.D. in pastoral theology from Princeton Theological Seminary. In addition to his local and international responsibilities in educational, ecclesial, and ecumenical organizations, he teaches, lectures, and writes in Armenian, Arabic, and English on a wide variety of topics including Armenian identity, ecumenism, youth, social issues, pastoral theology, and the Middle Eastern community. He is married to Maral Purzekian and they have two daughters, Garin and Talar.

Mouradian is coordinator of the Armenian Genocide Program at CGHR at Rutgers, where he also teaches in the history and sociology departments as adjunct professor. Mouradian was the editor of the Armenian Weekly from 2007-14.

The post Haidostian in Conversation with Mouradian at Ramapo College in NJ appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Special for the Armenian Weekly

“Preserving the Medieval City of Ani: Cultural Heritage between Contest and Reconciliation,” an article by Dr. Heghnar Zeitlian Watenpaugh, was published last month in the highly competitive international “Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians.” Watenpaugh is a co-chair of the Department of Art and Art History at the University of California, Davis (UCD), where she specializes in urban and architectural art history in Islamic societies. The article, in Watenpaugh’s words, “…provides a comprehensive history of archaeology, preservation, and heritage management at Ani. It examines the current preservation campaign that is unfolding at Ani and places it in the broader context of cultural heritage preservation in Turkey, and of the challenges posed by Armenian cultural heritage sites in particular.”

The Church of St. Gregory of Tigran Honents (Photo by Nanore Barsoumian/The Armenian Weekly)

Ani, a medieval city in eastern Turkey’s Kars Province near the Armenian border, has fascinated travelers, historians, and artists for centuries. Once a trade hub on the Silk Road, Watenpaugh describes the diversity of the city’s structures, which include “…churches, mosques, a fire temple, ramparts, palaces, and rock-carved dwellings built over the centuries by successive Christian and Muslim dynasties.”

Once known as the “City of 1,001 Churches,” Ani’s most famous landmarks are its medieval Armenian churches, and the city holds enormous symbolic significance to the Armenian identity. As Watenpaugh explains, “Ani is so symbolic, so central for Armenians, as a religious site, as a cultural site, as a national heritage symbol, a symbol of nationhood.”

Watenpaugh first visited Ani in the mid-1990’s as the co-leader of a tour for the Friends of the American Research Institute in Turkey. She recalls her first impressions of the site as “…immense, desolate. Every building is a separate object in a barren landscape.” The group was warned by employees of the Kars Museum that Armenian border guards could fire on them, though no such incident occurred. The safety of visitors to Ani has improved with the demilitarization of the area around 2004, though access is still difficult, requiring a 45-minute drive from the nearest city, Kars. The closest inhabited town to Ani is the small farming village of Ocaklı.

The city has long attracted visitors, with modern interest in the site beginning in the early 19^th century. Engravings and later photographs of the city became popular among the urban elite of the Russian and Ottoman empires. After the 1877-78 war between these empires, Russia annexed Ani and the surrounding Kars region. This annexation solidified Ani’s status as an archeological site and tourist destination; early Russian excavations were led by the Orientalist Nicolai Iakovlevich Marr between 1892-93 and 1904-17, and involved the efforts of several Armenian experts who would go on to prominence in the Russian academic arena.

The Church of the Redeemer (Sourp Prgich). (Photo by Nanore Barsoumian/The Armenian Weekly)

This increased publicity of Ani led to its resurgence as an Armenian cultural symbol. After his election as Catholicos of All Armenians, Matteos II Izmirlian undertook a formal pilgrimage to the site in 1909, followed by numerous religious tourists. Ani captivated the non-religious alike as a symbol of its former grandeur as the capital of the Bagratid Dynasty.

During World War I and the Armenian Genocide, Ani came under threat as a central symbol of Armenian identity. The order to destroy Ani was given in May 1921; however, the commander of the Turkish Eastern Front, Kâzim Karabekir, did not fully carry out the destruction of the city. Numerous artifacts uncovered during the Russian excavation were by now missing, whether looted, removed to safety, or destroyed.

After World War II, Turkey’s role as a NATO member made its border with Armenia especially sensitive; Ani was located on one of the only two borders between NATO and the Soviet Union. Given its militarized and remote location, Ani’s prominence declined once more, and its history was reframed as the site of the first Turkish state (the Seljuk Dynasty) and the first mosque (the Mosque of Manuchihr) in Anatolia. References to the Armenian history of the city were pointedly omitted in signage and literature.

One of the few highlights of this period is the 1965 photo by Turkish-Armenian photographer Ara Güler of the Church of St. Gregory of Tigran Honents, which defied the restrictions of the time by capturing an image of the militarized frontier. Watenpaugh explains the significance of the photo:

The interior of the Church of St. Gregory of Tigran Honents (Photo by Nanore Barsoumian/The Armenian Weekly)

“To me, the photograph of Ani by Ara Güler…of [the Church of] Tigran Honents is so poignant because it was taken in 1965, and he is orienting—so he’s a Turkish-Armenian photographer, in Anatolia, height of the Cold War, we can only imagine the tensions—and he turns his camera at a very specific angle where…there’s a shot of the church of Tigran Honents and behind it is the Soviet Union, Soviet Armenia. So I find that angle so deeply meaningful because it defies, it goes against the photography restrictions. So…I understand that as an act of resistance and defiance on the part of Ara Güler and if you don’t know the history of the site, the history of photography, it’s just a really beautifully composed photograph. But if you know, when you realize what he’s doing, what he’s saying by adopting that point of view, to me it’s incredibly moving, it’s incredibly powerful.”

After the fall of the Soviet Union, activity around Ani resumed, and excavations and restorations at the site began again in 1991 under the auspices of the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism (MCT). The 1990’s excavations are viewed today as a period of recklessly aggressive over-restoration, often with little to no documentation. The director of excavations from 1998 onwards, Beyhan Karamağaralı, was a known member of the far-right Nationalist Movement Party, and her ultranationalist affiliations are often cited as a plausible motivation for shoddy work performed on the site under her tenure. Watenpaugh stressed the dangers of ill-conceived excavation and restoration. “If you don’t spend a lot of time very carefully considering what you’re going to add to the site, you can end up really damaging what is there…you have to balance the need for safety with aesthetic needs.”

The threat of Ani’s death by resurrection galvanized advocacy on behalf of the site, and the World Monuments Fund (WMF) became actively involved in the preservation efforts. Karamağaralı’s retirement in 2006 offered an opportunity for a change in approach and leadership. With the involvement of the WMF, various Turkish cultural NGOs, and the tentative shortlisting of Ani as a potential addition to the UNESCO World Heritage List, work at Ani is now subject to increased scrutiny and greater transparency is demanded. The publication of Watenpaugh’s article in the prestigious, peer-reviewed “Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians” will likely also increase international awareness of the situation at Ani among preservationists and architects.

The addition of Ani to the UNESCO World Heritage List would secure significant benefits in protection, research expertise, and funding, but the process is a complex and bureaucratic one.

The addition of Ani to the UNESCO World Heritage List would secure significant benefits in protection, research expertise, and funding, but the process is a complex and bureaucratic one, Watenpaugh explains. “The next step is, it doesn’t happen immediately, but the expectation is that eventually the properties on the tentative list will be nominated and some of them will be accepted for the World Heritage List. I think that would be great for Ani.”

The Cathedral of Ani (phoo by Nanore Barsoumian/The Armenian Weekly)

Yavuz Özkaya, the restoration architect currently managing the site, has employed a more scientific approach to the restoration and has recommended that, where possible, some of the previous reconstructions be removed entirely. Watenpaugh described some of the recent changes in the work at Ani:

“I think now since the late 2000’s with the involvement of the World Monuments Fund, and so on, and the presence of a new architect, you’re seeing a different design philosophy, restoration philosophy… According to this philosophy, you don’t reconstruct the building to the way it was originally but you stabilize it, you protect it, you create shelter roofs, you address issues such as drainage, humidity, seismicity—there’s all kinds of structural reinforcements that sometimes are not even visible to the visitor. And then that’s it; you implement what they call detectable layering, where everything you add, if you have to add something, it should be visible that this is a new thing, and it should be removable without damaging the object so in the future if there’s a better way of doing something, then you can remove what you added and replace it.”

Though the quality of work on the site has improved, Ani’s future remains uncertain. While its history encompasses multiple civilizations, Ani’s politicization is inherently binary. As portions of Turkish civil society embark on an unprecedented examination of Turkey’s history and identity, there is greater hope for a fair treatment of Ani’s full historical legacy. On the other hand, Ani could fall victim to a nationalist backlash from an establishment who finds its very foundation increasingly threatened. Ultimately, says Watenpaugh, “Nothing is going to be perfect. In cultural heritage, there is no perfect thing, there’s no perfect situation. I would love to see Ani be jointly nominated by Armenia and Turkey. How great would that be, how symbolic for reconciliation, but we live with the reality that we live in.”

The full text of Watenpaugh’s paper can be viewed and downloaded online.

The post Recent Publication Highlights Complexities of Uncovering the History of the Medieval City of Ani appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Launches Online Campaign Urging Increased Bi-Partisan Armenian Caucus

WASHINGTON–The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) today welcomed Illinois Congressman Robert Dold (R-Ill.) as the new Republican Co-Chair of the Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues. Rep. Dold joins his counterpart and Caucus founder Congressman Frank Pallone (D-N.J.) in leading bi-partisan efforts to advance Armenian American policy priorities and strengthen U.S.-Armenia ties.

Join the ANCA SmartMail campaign to expand the Congressional Armenian Caucus by visiting www.anca.org/joincaucus

“We warmly welcome Congressman Dold as the new Republican Co-Chairman of the Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues,” said ANCA Chairman Ken Hachikian, who also resides in Rep. Dold’s Illinois 10th Congressional District. “Rep. Dold’s strong track record on Armenian American issues—from his leadership on the Armenian Genocide Resolution to his outspoken support of Karabagh’s self-determination—makes him a powerful addition to the Armenian Caucus leadership team. We are grateful to the founders and builders of the Armenian Caucus and look forward to working with its expanded leadership in addressing the new challenges our community and cause will face in the months and years to come.”

Congressional Armenian Caucus Co-Chair Frank Pallone (D-N.J.)

In a statement issued earlier today, Co-Chair Frank Pallone stated, “I am pleased to welcome Congressman Dold as Co-Chair of the Armenian Caucus for the 114th Congress. He has been an outspoken leader on Congressional recognition of the Armenian Genocide, and has consistently fought to advance the U.S. relationship with both Armenia and the Nagorno Karabagh Republic. I look forward to working with him to achieve our goals and observe one hundred years since the Armenian Genocide,” said Congressman Pallone.

Rep. Dold accepted the appointment with gratitude, stating, “It is an honor to Co-Chair the Congressional Armenian Caucus with Congressman Pallone. I am eager to strengthen the U.S.-Armenia relationship and work with my colleagues in Congress to promote human rights, shine a spotlight on genocide denial, and highlight the added importance of passing the Armenian Genocide Resolution on this centennial anniversary.”

Congressional Armenian Caucus Co-Chair Robert Dold (R-Ill.)

Rep. Dold, who returned to Congress this year after a two-year hiatus, received an “A+” rating from the ANCA in 2012 for his consistent support and leadership on issues of concern to the Armenian American community. In 2011, he joined longtime Armenian Genocide Resolution lead sponsor Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) in spearheading this key human rights legislation (H.Res.304). He spoke out against Secretary Hillary Clinton’s misrepresentation of the Armenian Genocide as a matter for “historical debate,” joining with over 60 of his colleagues in cosigning a letter of protest regarding her statements at a State Department Town Hall meeting. He was also an early supporter of a measure calling on Turkey to return stolen Christian properties to their rightful owners (H.Res.306), which was adopted by the House of Representatives in December of 2011.

The Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues was founded by Representatives Frank Pallone (D-N.J.) and former Congressman John Porter (R-Ill.) in 1995. Since that time, the bi-partisan panel has been at the forefront of Congressional action on a broad range of Armenian American concerns—from justice for the Armenian Genocide, to self-determination for Nagorno-Karabagh, stronger U.S.-Armenia ties, and support for the Armenian communities in the Republic of Georgia and oppressed Armenian and other Christian communities around the world.

The ANCA is launching an online campaign to expand Congressional Armenian Caucus Membership, urging Armenian-Americans to call on their House legislators to join and thank those who have already shown their leadership in this bi-partisan panel. To take action, visit www.anca.org/joinCaucus.

The post ANCA Welcomes Rep. Dold as New Republican Co-Chair of Congressional Armenian Caucus appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

CRANSTON, R.I.—When it comes to cheering on the New England Patriots, look no further than Aram Garabedian.

New England Patriots’ fan Aram Garabedian of Cranston, R.I., will be attending his 29th Super Bowl game Sunday with high hopes.

You’ll find him at the Super Bowl in Glendale, Ariz., on Sunday, same as always, dressed in red with a matching helmet and sneakers. It’s been his wardrobe for 29 of the past 30 Super Bowl games.

So sure his Patriots would prevail, he booked his tickets, flights, and accommodations two weeks ago. They love this guy and national TV crews are often on his tail for some showcasing.

In the midst of it all, he’s seen the Patriots make five trips to the ultimate game, winning three of them. And through it all, he’s rarely missed a regular-season game, home or away. Garabedian has been a season’s ticket holder since 1986 and ventured all over the country.

“Maybe one game in all that time,” he says of the no-shows. “But don’t hold me to it.”

He’s stood in blizzards, a driving rain against the Colts last week, wind, sickness, and in good health. Come Monday, he’s your typical quarterback, reviewing the outcome to any listener.

At Foxboro you’ll find him in Section 133, Row 12, on the visitors’ side, usually with an entourage of regulars.

“I met a guy who’s been to 43 Super Bowls,” Garabedian reveals. “He’s a little ahead of me.”

In these three decades, the only absence came against Minnesota due to a business trip that was mandatory. He was pitching vitamins to a Target chain and it killed him to miss it. The temperature hovered near zero that day, he recalls, so maybe it was a blessing.

The thrills? Look no further than the previous Patriots Super Bowl championships when they prevailed by three points. This one, he predicts, could be another “seat-squirmer.”

He still laughs and cries about that time he purchased four Super Bowl tickets off the internet and they turned out to be counterfeit. Off he went to buy four more, all at the tidy sum of $1,250 each.

“When you get there, it’s like being at home because Patriots’ fans are there,” he says. “When the Pats make it, I’m really in my glory.”

Placekicker Adam Vinatieri remains a close friend, even after he left New England for the Colts. The fact he supported Garabedian’s candidacy for public office was never forgotten.

The 79-year-old has 2 children and 4 grandchildren. He and wife Jane have been married 56 years. A Providence native, he’s lived in Cranston the past 50 years and is proud to be a U.S. Army veteran. Many times, his family joins him at games. Once, his entourage numbered 16 guests, lunch included.

Garabedian is a former Rhode Island State Senator, co-managing partner of a mall in Warwick, and an Armenian activist. He took it upon himself to personally rent 10 busses for April 26. He’s already filled three and is confident of dispatching the other seven for the Centennial observance in Times Square.

“If we can’t get 500 people from Rhode Island, something’s the matter,” he says. “This is a bigger trip than all 29 Super Bowls combined. It’s our heritage speaking, and we must listen.”

His good friend Harry Kushigian concurs. He’s been a lifetime Patriots fan and never saw anyone quite the likes of Garabedian, even when it comes to community service.

“He’s very passionate about our heritage,” agrees Kushigian, “whether it’s been humanitarian aid to Armenia following the 1988 earthquake, getting genocide studies into the Rhode Island school curriculum, or remembering April 24^th.”

Garabedian secured the passage of the “Genocide and Human Rights Education Law,” which mandates that students learn about the Armenian Genocide and human rights violations.

No higher tribute came his way than in 2012 when he was inducted into the Rhode Island Heritage Hall of Fame. Among the qualities that were singled out were his drive, determination, humanitarianism, and leadership. The whole package.

He’s also been involved in “Meals on Wheels,” a World War II veterans memorial in Providence, the American Red Cross, Little League, and the Genesis Center.

So who’s Garabedian betting on Sunday as if people didn’t know?

“I’m not a betting man,” he candidly admits. “I’ve never wagered on a game in my life. I’m a true fan of the Patriots, but not a gambler!”

The post Aram Garabedian Remains Ultimate Patriots’ Fan appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

YEREVAN (A.W.)—The State Commission on Coordination of Events for the Commemoration of the 100th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide released a Pan-Armenian Declaration on Jan. 29.

Sarkisian reading the Pan-Armenian Declaration on the 100th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide (photo: official website of the President)

According to the office of the President of Armenia, following a meeting of the State Commission, President Serge Sarkisian, His Holiness Karekin II, and His Holiness Aram I, were joined by Commission members and meeting participants to lay a wreath at the Dzidzernagapert Memorial Complex and pay tribute to the memories of the victims of the Armenian Genocide. There, Sarkisian read the Pan-Armenian Declaration on the 100th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, before submitting it to the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute.

The strongly worded declaration called upon Turkey to “recognize and condemn the Armenian Genocide committed by the Ottoman Empire, and to face its own history and memory through commemorating the victims of that heinous crime against humanity and renouncing the policy of falsification, denialsm and banalizations of this indisputable fact.” The declaration also condemned Turkey’s illegal blockade of Armenia, and its “anti-Armenian stance in international fora and the imposition of preconditions in the normalization of interstate relations.”

The full text of the declaration is below:

Pan-Armenian Declaration on the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide

The State Commission on the Coordination of Events Dedicated to the 100th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, in consultation with its regional committees in the Diaspora,

— expressing the united will of the Armenian people;

— based on the Declaration of Independence of Armenia of 23 August 1990 and the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia;

— recalling the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 10 December 1948, whereby recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world;

— guided by the respective principles and provisions of the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 96(1) of 11 December 1946, the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 9 December 1948, the United Nations Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity of 26 November 1968, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 16 December 1966 as well as all the other international documents on human rights;

— taking into consideration that while adopting the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the United Nations specifically underlined the importance of international cooperation in the struggle against that criminal offence;

— emphasizing the inadmissibility of impunity of the constituent elements of the crime of genocide and the non-applicability of statutory limitation thereto;

— condemning the genocidal acts against the Armenian people, planned and continuously perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire and various regimes of Turkey in 1894-1923, dispossession of the homeland, the massacres and ethnic cleansing aimed at the extermination of the Armenian population, the destruction of the Armenian heritage, as well as the denial of the Genocide, all attempts to avoid responsibility, to consign to oblivion the committed crimes and their consequences or to justify them, as a continuation of this crime and encouragement to commit new genocides;

— also considering the 1919-1921 verdicts of the courts-martial of the Ottoman Empire on that grave crime perpetrated “against the law and humanity” as a legal assessment of the fact;

— appreciating the joint declaration of the Allied Powers on May 24, 1915, for the first time in history defining the most heinous crime perpetrated against the Armenian people as a “crime against humanity and civilization” and emphasizing the necessity of holding Ottoman authorities responsible, as well as the role and significance of the Sevres Peace Treaty of 10 August 1920 and U.S. President Woodrow Wilson’s Arbitral Award of 22 November 1920 in overcoming the consequences of the Armenian Genocide:

1. Commemorates one-and-a-half million innocent victims of the Armenian Genocide and bows in gratitude before those martyred and surviving heroes who struggled for their lives and human dignity.
2. Reiterates the commitment of Armenia and the Armenian people to continue the international struggle for the prevention of genocides, the restoration of the rights of people subjected to genocide and the establishment of historical justice.
3. Expresses gratitude to those states and international, religious and non-governmental organizations that had political courage to recognize and condemn the Armenian Genocide as a heinous crime against humanity and even today continue to undertake legal measures to that end, also preventing the dangerous manifestations of denialism.
4. Expresses gratitude to those nations, institutions and individuals, who often endangering their lives, provided multifaceted humanitarian assistance and rescued many Armenians facing the threat of total annihilation, created safe and peaceful conditions for the survivors of the Armenian Genocide, thus promoting orphan care and the international Armenophile movement.
5. Appeals to UN member states, international organizations, all people of good will, regardless of their ethnic origin and religious affiliation, to unite their efforts aimed at restoring historical justice and paying tribute to the memory of the victims of the Armenian Genocide.
6. Expresses the united will of Armenia and the Armenian people to achieve worldwide recognition of the Armenian Genocide and the elimination of the consequences of the Genocide, preparing to this end a file of legal claims as a point of departure in the process of restoring individual, communal and pan-Armenian rights and legitimate interests.
7. Condemns the illegal blockade of the Republic of Armenia imposed by the Republic of Turkey, its anti-Armenian stance in international fora and the imposition of preconditions in the normalization of interstate relations, considering this a consequence of the continued impunity of the Armenian Genocide, Meds Yeghern.
8. Calls upon the Republic of Turkey to recognize and condemn the Armenian Genocide committed by the Ottoman Empire, and to face its own history and memory through commemorating the victims of that heinous crime against humanity and renouncing the policy of falsification, denialsm, and banalizations of this indisputable fact.

Supports those segments of Turkish civil society whose representatives nowadays dare to speak out against the official position of the authorities.

9. Expresses the hope that recognition and condemnation of the Armenian Genocide by Turkey will serve as a starting point for the historical reconciliation of the Armenian and Turkish peoples.
10. Proudly notes that during the last century the Armenian people, having survived the Genocide,

– Demonstrated an unbending will and national self-consciousness and restored its sovereign statehood, lost centuries ago,

– Preserved and developed national values, achieved the renaissance of their national culture, science and education, bringing its unique contribution to the development of world heritage,

– established a powerful and effective network of religious and secular institutions in the Armenian Diaspora, thus contributing to the preservation of their Armenian identity in Armenian communities worldwide, the shaping of a respected and esteemed image of the Armenian, and the protection of the legitimate rights of the Armenian people,

– united and restored the national gene pool that was facing extermination as a result of the Genocide, through a pan-Armenian cooperation and extensive repatriation program,

– made its valuable contribution to international peace and security during the First and the Second World Wars and won glorious victories in the heroic battle of Sardarapat and the Artsakh war.

11. Considers the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide an important milestone in the ongoing struggle for historical justice under the motto “I remember and demand.”
12. Calls upon the coming generations of Armenians to protect their sacred native heritage with patriotism, consciousness and intellect, and resolutely struggle and serve for:

– a stronger Homeland, a free and democratic Republic of Armenia,

– the progress and strengthening of independent Artsakh,

– the efficient unity of Armenians worldwide,

– the realization of the centuries-old sacrosanct goals of all Armenians.

The post Pan-Armenian Declaration on Armenian Genocide Centennial Adopted appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Special for the Armenian Weekly

Major occurrences have studded the globe and civilizations— events, some good (such as the three monotheistic religions, though some argue to the contrary), and some evil (like the Great Flood which engulfed land, sparing the peaks, thus creating the Mediterranean islands like Santorini). These events have impacted mankind, and stored them in its collective memory.

History has not bypassed them; they are embedded there and will stay there till time immemorial.

In the past century, four distinct events have also impacted peoples and nations. They have extended in time to the present, and therefore become subjects of scrutiny.

A glance would show that despite their initial impact, they are transient, they could not endure. History is in the process of bypassing them as we speak.

It is imperative to look back in order to ascertain the present, and anticipate the future.

Map of the Sykes–Picot Agreement between the British and the French. (Royal Geographical Society, 1910-15. Signed by Mark Sykes and François Georges-Picot, 8 May 1916.)

To do that one is to start from the end of World War I, when Paris of 1919 was the epicenter of political activity. Together with Great Britain and the victorious Allies, the defeated Ottoman Empire (“The Sick Man of Europe”) was on the dissection table, and the sections were defined by Mark Sykes of Britain and George Picot of France, two bureaucrats of their foreign ministries. They had begun their work some two years before, apportioning what did not belong to France to France, and what did not belong to Britain to Britain, thus mandating Syria to France, and Palestine, Mesopotamia, and Cyprus to Great Britain. Lebanon, which administratively was part of Syria, became a separate entity under France.

A treaty signed on Aug. 10, 1920 in Sèvres, France, was labeled the “Treaty of Peace with Turkey.” It legitimized the Sykes-Picot plan. The thrust of this treaty was to divide the eastern Mediterranean land, and so it happened.

This division of land created more problems than anticipated. Borders between Syria and Iraq were arbitrarily drawn with an ordinary ruler into straight lines, thus dividing Shammar (a major Arab tribe; Syrians call them Muhjimms) into Syrian and Iraqi portions. The Hashimite King Faisal, who was crowned King of Syria, was victimized in a power and land duel between Britain and France; he was deposed by the French after six months of monarchy. In lieu of his family’s contribution (with Lawrence of Arabia) to the war on the side of the Allies, the British had to find a throne for him. After lengthy bargaining and arm twisting, they found a throne for him in newly formed Iraq, which included the disputed oil rich Mosul. He was crowned as King Faisal I of Iraq. His brother Emir Abdullah, later King of Jordan, was enthroned in East Jordan while Israel was being created to realize the Sykes-Picot treaty and the Balfour Declaration. Through some British arrangements, Abdullah Bin Hussein Al-Hashimi became King of Jordan, which was carved out of Palestine.

All this mess created by the Sykes-Picot treaty lasted for about a century, and the wars being waged now in the eastern Mediterranean, in one form or another, indicate the dismantling of what the Sèvres Treaty had proscribed. It is the death of the Sykes-Picot arrangements. History has bypassed Sykes-Picot.

***

The dismantling of the Ottoman Empire also dismantled the caliphate system of governance. The Arab Islamic world, which was an unwilling part of the Ottoman Caliphate, felt liberated of the oppression the system had brought. They had participated in the war against the Ottomans, with the help of Lawrence of Arabia.

Mustafa Kemal Ataturk

In Turkey, events gave birth to an army officer named Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. He launched a military campaign (some say instigated by European powers) to establish a modern, secular republic. He was successful in conquering vilayet after vilayet, through mass executions, beheading Mullahs, and subjugating the peoples of Turkey to his regime. The most memorable are his massacres of the people of Dersim (now Tunceli), and setting fire to the city of Smyrna with its majority Greek population. Eyewitnesses have told the story of Smyrna in horrific terms. According to them, the people jumped en masse into the sea to escape being burned alive. That was their only choice, since the city was being besieged from the east, the north, and the south by Mustafa Kemal’s forces. There were no routes of escape, but the hope of being rescued by the British Navy which was moored at harbor. They got no help, since it was 4 o’clock tea time for the officers, who were being serenaded by the British Navy violinists. Thousands of men, women, and children drowned. The British Navy could have helped, but did not.

Kurds also bore the brunt of the massacres, since they were not considered a “minority” to be protected by the Lausanne Treaty of 1923-24. This treaty, coined by Ismet Inonu, representing Kemal and the newly established Turkish Republic, and Lord George Curzon of Britain, countered the Sèvres Treaty, and did not recognize Kurds as a minority akin to the Christians and the Jews whose protection became mandatory by the same treaty.

Mustafa Kemal changed the Arabic letters, including that of the Koran, to the Latin alphabet. He passed revolutionary laws, some cosmetic, the most laughable being “Shapka Kanunu” (The Law of Hats), which mandated the change of the traditional Turkish fez with a European-style fedora hat, or a cap with a visor.

Mustafa Kemal established some degree of democracy by instituting a one-man, one-vote system for the first time. He established the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP; the Republican People’s Party) which dominated the political life of the country for over a half century. Ulus, the official party organ, advanced their revolution by advocating the ideals of the new republic.

Two decades or so later, in an inner struggle, the CHP managed to convict the president of the country, Calal Bayar, and the prime minister, Adnan Menderes, to death; the life of the first was spared because of age, but the second was hanged in public. They were convicted for corruption. Additionally, they character-assassinated Prime Minister Menderes by claiming to have found a female garment in his safe.

The Republic of Turkey was part of the Baghdad Pact, an alliance between Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Pakistan. The U.S. participated as an observer. The strategy was to contain the southern border of the Soviet Union. The pact had followed the Portsmouth Treaty of 1948, which had had the same gall and which had dissolved after a short existence.

Turkey then joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The senior partners of NATO accepted it into their organization because of its geographical location.

Turkey could now boast of being a secular, democratic, and sovereign country. Sovereign it was; democratic it was, up to a point; but secular it was not. Its democracy extended to one-man, one-vote elections; however, it was terribly short on human rights, women’s rights, freedom of speech rights, and civil rights. Journalists were incarcerated for allegedly defaming Turkey, or some such excuse, as were novelists and writers. Carrying all this baggage, they had the chutzpah to apply for membership of the European Union. All these shortcomings and brutality continues as we speak.

Shapka Kanunu changed the headgear of the Turks, but could not change what was underneath it—the mentality.

Time, events, and fanatic religiosity gave birth to the most recent political setup, which in an attempt to institute a modern-era reactionary Islamic Caliphate, propelled fanatic political fervor into the overwhelming Turkish majority of the country. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan did not have to push hard. People were ready.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan greeted Azeri President Ilham Aliyev on Jan. 15, in the presence of 16 soldiers dressed in ceremonial costumes representing various Turkic people in history. (Photo: Official website of the President of Turkey)

The newly formed Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP; Justice and Development Party) was briefly headed by Abdullah Gul, who became president of Turkey. He was followed by a shrewder politician, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who served as prime minister, and now president, elected by democratic, transparent elections. This election—with its impressive majority, and of a person who has the Islamic Caliphate as his raison d’être—reflects the reactionary mentality, orientation, and psychology of the electorate.

Erdogan has pursued policies that are designed to bury Kemalism, and establish an Ottoman-style Caliphate. Now, he has invited presidents of all countries, including the Armenian president, to attend celebrations of the Turkish military victory over Great Britain in the Battle of Gallipoli (Çanakkale) on April 24, 2015, the very day that Armenians commemorate the start of the Armenian Genocide. This is more proof of his desire to advance the ideas of an Ottoman Caliphate. He has succeeded. Kemalism is dead. History has bypassed it.

Erdogan has pursued policies that are designed to bury Kemalism, and establish an Ottoman-style Caliphate…. He has succeeded. Kemalism is dead. History has bypassed it.

***

While this is going on in Turkey, other events are disrupting the region. Characterized as the Arab Spring, the events started with revolutionary fervor from Tunis, when an ordinary man, a street vendor, set himself on fire and died in protest of the corrupt and oppressive government of Tunis. This was the kindling that started an uncontainable fire which engulfed the super-flammable Arab countries. Sparks soon started major fires in Libya, Egypt, Syria, and Yemen. Iraq was in a state of disarray since Saddam Hussein’s demise in 2003. Sunni-Shia enmity and armed conflicts continue. These two sects have not been able to solve their differences since Hussein’s (Prophet Muhammad’s grandson) murder around one and a half millennia ago. War between them was waged by proxy, Iran promoting its geopolitical interests in the Arab countries through the Shia communities in Lebanon, Syria, and of course Iraq; and Saudi Arabia financing Sunni causes.

The ever-opportunist Erdogan, advancing his plans for a misogynist caliphate, acted as the champion of the Arab world by promoting his stance as the defender of Palestine. He accused Israel of killing civilians in Gaza, and pointed out their inhumane treatment of the Palestinians, while continuing to deny the Armenian Genocide, which his predecessors had committed. He unconditionally supported the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and their leader, now deposed Mohamed Morsi. Egypt, with its newest administration, retaliated by bringing up the Armenian Genocide as proof of Turkey’s criminality, and inhuman treatment of its minorities.

Erdogan dashed out of an international conference in Davos in 2009, protesting the unequal allotment of his time in favor of Israel. In an attempt to provoke Israel by breaking its embargo of Gaza, he sent the Mavi Marmara ship loaded with so-far-unknown cargo, which was blocked by the Israeli Navy, resulting in the deaths of nine Turkish sailors.

Looking at the Arab world today, it is certain that the Arab Spring is dead. History has bypassed it.

***

In my study hangs a framed, full-paged interview conducted by a journalist for the newspaper Ozgur Politica, dated April 30, 1996. He had titled it, “The Armenian and Kurdish Causes Are Interrelated.” He was echoing my speech in the Kurdish Parliament in Exile, in Brussels, where I had emphasized our rights to Western Armenia according to the provisions of Section VI, Article 88-93 of the Sèvres Treaty and President Woodrow Wilson’s map.

The speech was timely because of the behind-the-scenes political activities advanced by Germany, Turkish President Turgut Ozal, and Professor Dogu Ergil to formulate some sort of autonomy within the boundaries of Turkey, for the Kurds. That meant incorporating Western Armenia—the six vilayets as specified by the Sèvres Treaty—into the proposed Kurdish territories. This was unacceptable, and I was there to say so.

Abdullah Ocalan

The Kurdish cause had turned into a liberation struggle through military operations in 1984, headed by Abdullah Ocalan. His party, a Marxist-oriented party, was called the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).

The war had claimed some 35,000 casualties from both sides, and was a major destabilizing situation for Turkey as a country, and its chauvinist Turkic regime. After all, Mustafa Kemal and his new republic had denied the national identity of the Kurds, labeling them “Mountain Turks.”

The Kurdish struggle for self-rule had started in the mid-19th century by Prince Badrkhan, who had waged a war against the central Ottoman Caliphate by recruiting some 40,000 Armenians and Kurds. He had failed. Successive rebellions by some sheikhs and chieftains like Sheikh Sa’id and Sheikh Obeidullah were crushed. In the first decades of the 20th century, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk committed genocide against the Kurds, especially the people of Dersim. He literally snatched children from the bosom of their mothers, and placed them in remote places to be raised as Turks. His regime made it illegal to speak or sing in Kurdish. He made it illegal to celebrate the most popular celebrations of Newroz.

Some 3,000 Kurdish villages were destroyed. Three million Kurds were displaced and became refugees, most settling in shanty towns around Istanbul.

Failing in the battlefield, Turkey brought the fight to the villages and communities. The government formed the Village Guards (Korucu) from loyal Kurdish tribes, to brutalize their fellow Kurds. They killed and raped, and brutalized the men, women, and children. In one incident they snatched a bride, made her strip bare, and raped her in front of her parents and the villagers.

The Erdogan regime, having failed to defeat the PKK, turned to the “Ver Kurtul” (Pay and be free) policy. They negotiated with Ocalan, who was captured in Kenya, and imprisoned in the Island of Imrali. They allowed the celebration of Newroz last year, and gave the Kurds a radio station. They allowed the formation of a legal political party, the Halkin Democratic Partisi (HDP; Peoples’ Democratic Party), which opened offices in Washington. The head of the party, Selahattin Demirtas, ran for the office of Turkey’s presidency against Erdogan. He scored 10 percent of the vote. Kurds did not vote for him, and Erdogan won with the help of the Kurdish politician Masoud Barzani, who had shared the podium with him in Diyarbakir.

Abdullah Ocalan is praising Kurdish participation in the Battle of Gallipoli as proof of Kurdish loyalty to the very government that has caused his people so much death and destruction. From all indications, it is evident that the Kurdish Revolution is dead…

Meanwhile Abdullah Ocalan is praising Kurdish participation in the Battle of Gallipoli as proof of Kurdish loyalty to the very government that has caused his people so much death and destruction.

From all indications, it is evident that the Kurdish Revolution is dead, and may be replaced by evolution. It becomes the fourth bypass in the history of the past century.

Are the Armenian and Kurdish causes tied together? That is for the future to tell!

The post Astarjian: A Quadruple Historic Bypass appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

ARF Supreme Council Representative Aghvan Vardanyan Calls Incident ‘Unacceptable’

YEREVAN (A.W.)—On Jan. 31, police and unidentified men blocked and assaulted around 40 cars traveling from Armenia to the Nagorno Karabagh Republic (NKR) on the Goris-Stepanakert Highway near Berdzor, preventing them from crossing into Karabagh. The vehicles carried members of the group called Founding Parliament (previously known as Pre-Parliament), an opposition group whose aim is regime change in Armenia.

Police wielded bayonets at the cars and rally participants, in an incident that was caught on film by some of the protesters.

The Founding Parliament said in a statement that around a dozen participants of the car rally, under the banner of “100th Anniversary without this Regime,” suffered injuries in an ambush by NKR police—some in uniform, others in civilian clothing, and some masked. Police wielded bayonets at the cars and rally participants, in an incident that was caught on film by the protesters. Car windows were smashed, and the tricolor flags were snatched off the vehicles.

Police say they intended to “prevent mass disturbances,” after news of the planned rally gave rise to concern among a large segment of the population in Karabagh. NGOs based in Karabagh also reportedly joined calls against the planned initiative. The police acknowledge their units were stationed at various points on the Goris-Stepanakert Highway.

The Founding Parliament claims its members were unarmed, and that many were accompanied by their families. Among the rally participants was Karabagh War veteran Jirayr Sefilian. A journalist with Noyan Tapan, Anushavan Shahnazaryan, was reportedly hospitalized in Goris.

“False information was spread to those in Berdzor that we were armed. In addition to this, they were trying to convince people that the car rally, led by Jirayr Sefilyan, was a plot to try to persuade soldiers to no longer serve in Artsakh, to abandon Artsakh and leave it unprotected,” read a statement released by the group. Once their plans to hold the car rally in NKR were made public, the group received a number of threats warning that the rally would be blocked, noted the statement.

According to the police report, officers tried to dissuade the caravan from continuing into Karabagh, saying it would cause “social tension,” but the rally participants “resorted to illegal actions” and “provocations.” The report went on to say that officers were forced to use “corresponding” measures to stop the rally. “Unfortunately, some people were injured, but their lives are not in danger,” read the report.

Vardanyan: Berdzor attack ‘unacceptable’

Speaking with reporters, ARF Supreme Council Representative Aghvan Vardanyan said the incident in Berdzor was unacceptable, and that it must be condemned.

Yet, Vardanyan also stressed that “the approaches, modus operandi, and goals of Pre-Parliament, especially its slogan ‘100^th Anniversary without the Regime,’ are unacceptable to us. You can’t tie [the Centennial] with our domestic problems, because the Centennial of the Genocide is an entirely different issue, where national unity is needed.” It is incomprehensible, he added, that the Founding Parliament would ignore numerous calls from Karabagh to postpone the rally, given the tense environment there.

“No good came out of the use of force. This is unacceptable for us. It is also dangerous,” Vardanyan said. “Certain forces within Armenia and abroad will try to use this intolerable incident to polarize the country, or to drive a wedge between Armenia and Karabagh.”

The post Violence against Opposition Group in Berdzor Draws Condemnation appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

ANCA Seeks White House Support for Transition to Trade and Investment-Based Relations

WASHINGTON—The Obama-Biden Administration budget, released on Feb 2, calls for a yet another reduction in U.S. economic assistance to both Armenia and Azerbaijan, while maintaining parity in military aid to these two countries, reported the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA).

The Obama-Biden Administration budget released today calls for a yet another reduction in U.S. economic assistance to both Armenia and Azerbaijan, while maintaining parity in military aid to these two countries.

The President’s proposal of $18,360,000 in Economic Support Funds for Armenia in Fiscal Year (FY) 2016 would, if approved by Congress, represent a record low in such aid since Armenia’s independence.   The White House’s proposal for Armenia is over $2 million less than FY 2014’s actual economic aid allocation, and less than half of the $40 million requested in a Congressional Armenian Caucus letter and ANCA Congressional testimony submitted last year.

“The White House must match its relentless reductions in aid to Armenia with an equally energetic effort to substantially increase bilateral trade and investment between our two nations,” stated ANCA Executive Director Aram Hamparian.  “It’s not too late for President Obama, who came into office promising to grow U.S.-Armenia economic relations, to negotiate a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement, put in place a badly-needed new Tax Treaty, and organize targeted trade missions promoting cooperation in IT, health care, education, tourism and other key sectors of Armenia’s economy.”

The White House’s proposal did, however, maintain parity in terms of appropriated military aid, with International Military Education and Training (IMET) assistance set at $600,000 and Foreign Military Finance (FMF) at $1,700,000.  “While we remain deeply troubled that the Obama Administration—in the wake of yet another wave of fatal cross-border Azerbaijani aggression—would propose any military aid at all to Ilham Aliyev’s armed forces, we do appreciate that, in this context, the principle of military aid parity has been maintained to both Armenia and Azerbaijan,” added Hamparian.

The Administration’s budget does not include any figures for aid to Nagorno-Karabagh, although, over the past several years USAID has allocated $2,000,000 annually for this purpose.

In the coming months, the ANCA will be working with the Congressional Armenian Caucus and Senate and House Appropriators to increase assistance to Armenia and Nagorno-Karabagh and zero-out all military assistance to Azerbaijan.  “We urge Congress, during their consideration of the foreign aid bill, to increase aid to Armenia and Artsakh, cut all military aid to Azerbaijan, and support our other foreign aid policy priorities,” noted Hamparian.

The Administration’s FY16 international affairs budget is available at:

http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/236395.pdf

The post Obama Budget Calls for Record Low Level of Aid to Armenia appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

NEW YORK—Major scholars from around the world will participate in a timely and thought-provoking conference at Columbia University titled, “Monuments and Memory: Material Culture and the Aftermath of Histories of Mass Violence,” on Fri., Feb. 20.

The all-day symposium is organized and hosted by Peter Balakian, the Donald M. Constance H. Rebar Professor in Humanities at Colgate University, and Rachel Goshgarian, assistant professor of history at Lafayette College, and sponsored by the Armenian Center of Columbia University, Columbia’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights, the Institute for Comparative Literature and Society, and the Armenian General Benevolent Union.

The conference will explore the general themes of restoration, restitution, and social justice, and will be groundbreaking in its comparative analysis of Jewish monuments in Eastern Europe, Muslim monuments in the Balkans, and Armenian-Christian monuments in Turkey. Four sessions revolving around these topics will take place throughout the day, each chaired by a member of the Columbia community who will conduct and moderate the question-and-answer sessions.

The first session, “Monuments and Memory: the Significance of Material Culture in the Aftermath of Genocide,” held from 10-11:15 a.m., and chaired by Christine Philliou, associate professor of history at Columbia University, will address the historical contexts for the destroyed or appropriated material cultures of minority peoples in the aftermath of histories of mass violence. The current conditions of these monuments will be analyzed, as well as their roles in the collective memory of both occupying and exiled cultures. Presenters will include Peter Balakian; Andrew Herscher, associate professor of architecture at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor; and Marianne Hirsch, William Peterfield Trent Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Columbia University.

The second session, “The Medieval Armenian City of Ani: A Case Study in the Politicization of Art History, History, Historical Monuments, and Preservation in a Post-Genocidal Context,” from 11:30 a.m. to 12:45 p.m., will be chaired by Nanor Kebranian, assistant professor in Columbia University’s Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies. It will include papers on subjects related to Ani’s multicultural past, cultural destruction, restoration projects, depiction in modern Turkey, and place in the construction of Armenian identity. Presenters include Rachel Goshgarian; Christina Maranci, the Arthur H. Dadian and Ara Oztemel Associate Professor of Armenian Art and Architecture at Tufts University; Heghnar Watenpaugh, associate professor of art history at the University of California, Davis; and Yavuz Ozkaya, restoration architect at PROMET Architecture and Restoration Co.

The third session is titled, “Monuments, Memory, Restitution, and Social Justice: What issues do monuments raise in these historical contexts? How can social justice and restitution be achieved decades after the event of genocide or mass-killing?” Held from 2:15-4:30 p.m., it will be chaired by Hamid Dabashi, Hagop Kevorkian Professor of Iranian Studies and Comparative Literature at Columbia University. Presenters include Osman Kavala, the founder of Anadolu Kultur; Leo Spitzer, Kathe Tappe Vernon Professor of History at Dartmouth University; and Elazar Barkan, professor of international and public affairs at Columbia University.

The concluding session will be a roundtable discussion followed by a reception for participants and attendees.

“Rachel [Goshgarian] and Peter [Balakian] are bringing together a wide range of speakers to address the issue of Ani, from historians to cultural heritage advocates, to practicing architects actively engaged in restoration projects at Ani,” said Maranci. “I hope that it will galvanize more dialogue about the fate of the churches and other ancient monuments in and around Ani, because of their historical and architectural importance and because of their structural vulnerability.”

“There is tremendous opportunity here to address the painful history of Armenians…and forge a different way forward regarding Armenian cultural heritage in Turkey,” said Watenpaugh, who recently published “Preserving the Medieval City of Ani: Cultural Heritage Between Contest and Reconciliation” in the Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians. “This is the right time to have a critical and public discussion about this site, and the broader issues it raises.”

Mark Momjian, Esq., the chair of the Armenian Center and an alumnus of Columbia College and Columbia Law School, emphasized his alma mater’s role not only in aiding the survivors of the Armenian Genocide, but in advocating support of the Armenian Republic.

“Ambassador Henry Morgenthau was an alumnus of Columbia Law School, and he is in the pantheon of heroes to the Armenian people. Talcott Williams was the first director of Columbia’s School of Journalism, and he was heavily involved with Near East Relief. George Edward Woodbury, a comparative literature professor at Columbia, assailed the perpetrators of the Armenian Genocide. And there are countless others,” said Momjian, a Philadelphia lawyer and community activist. “This symposium marks the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide, but it also honors the many Columbians who denounced this terrible crime against humanity and who worked tirelessly to help the Armenian people.”

The event will take place in Room 1501 of Columbia University’s Morningside Campus International Affairs Building, located at 420 West 118th St., from 10 a.m. until 6 p.m., with breaks for lunch and coffee. A reception will follow. This event is free and open to the public.

The post Groundbreaking Symposium at Columbia to Focus on ‘Monuments and Memory’ appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

STEPANAKERT (A.W.) — Nagorno Karabagh Republic (NKR) President Bako Sahakyan held a meeting on Feb. 3 regarding the police blockade and assault on members of an opposition group that took place near Berdzor in the Kashatagh region of the Goris-Stepanakert highway on Jan. 31.

On Jan. 31, police and unidentified men blocked and assaulted around 40 cars traveling from Armenia to NKR on the Goris-Stepanakert highway near Berdzor (photo: preparliament.am)

According to the report released by the President’s office, Sahakyan met with the Director of the National Security Service Arshavir Gharamyan, Police Chief Kamo Aghajanyan, National Assembly Chairman Ashot Ghoulyan, Prime Minister Ara Harutyunyan and other officials, to discuss the incident between NKR police and members of the Armenia-based Founding Parliament (previously known as Pre-Parliament), an opposition group whose aim is regime change in Armenia.

After the meeting, Sahakyan’s office confirmed that the president has commissioned the police chief to conduct a detailed investigation of the incident. “Unfortunately the subsequent development of events had an undesirable outcome. Tragically, it was impossible to avoid the disturbances and confrontation, which received public resonance,” read the statement.

On Jan. 31, police and unidentified men blocked and assaulted around 40 cars traveling from Armenia to NKR on the Goris-Stepanakert highway near Berdzor, preventing them from crossing into Karabagh.

The Founding Parliament said in a statement that around a dozen participants of the car rally, under the banner of “100th Anniversary without this Regime,” suffered injuries in an ambush by NKR police—some in uniform, others in civilian clothing, and some masked. Police wielded bayonets at the cars and rally participants, in an incident that was caught on film by the protesters. Car windows were smashed, and the tricolor flags were snatched off the vehicles.

Police say they intended to “prevent mass disturbances,” after news of the planned rally gave rise to concern among a large segment of the population in Karabagh. NGOs based in Karabagh also reportedly joined calls against the planned initiative. The police acknowledge their units were stationed at various points on the Goris-Stepanakert Highway.

Speaking with reporters about the incident, ARF Supreme Council Representative Aghvan Vardanyan said the incident in Berdzor was unacceptable, and that it must be condemned. Vardanyan also stressed that “the approaches, modus operandi, and goals of Pre-Parliament, especially its slogan ‘100th Anniversary without the Regime,’ are unacceptable to [the ARF].”

The post NKR President Bako Sahakyan Holds Meeting on Berdzor Attack appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Special for the Armenian Weekly

2014 was the bloodiest year in the Nagorno-Karabagh conflict since the 1990’s. Here, Emil Sanamyan reviews the casualty data for the year and looks at the factors driving the escalation.

Death statistics

An Artsakh Defense Army soldier on the frontline

The grim data for 2014 includes 39 Azerbaijanis and 33 Armenians killed as a result of the conflict, that is, in direct combat, sniper attacks, mine incidents and, in the case of one Armenian civilian, murder in custody. If things continue as they began this year, 2015 may be as bad or worse. By comparison, the previous worst year on record, 2012, included 14 Armenian and 20 Azerbaijani dead.

Of the 39 Azerbaijanis killed last year, 22 were enlisted soldiers (18-19-year-olds), 9 contracted NCOs (nearly all members of Special Forces), 6 officers, and 2 civilians. Of the 33 Armenian names, 13 were enlisted (19-20-year olds), 6 contracted NCOs and privates, 8 officers, and 6 civilians.

Of the 33 Armenian deaths, 17 were from sniper fire, 9 died in direct combat engagements, 4 in mine explosions, and 3 died away from the border (2 murdered by Azerbaijani intruders into Karvachar and one in custody in Shamkhor). Of the 39 Azerbaijani deaths, 16 were killed in direct combat engagements, 14 by sniper fire, and 5 in mine explosions; the causes of death in 4 cases were not clarified.

Table: Total 2014 conflict fatalities by month (military and civilian)*

*These numbers do not include non-combat deaths, such as reported suicides, fratricides, auto accidents, etc., or unconfirmed reports of combat casualties. Following serious casualties sustained by the Azerbaijani Army in August, Aliyev introduced additional military censorship. With the crackdown on its media, there have been no independent reports on the Azerbaijani military from inside the country over the past four months, and there is likely to be under-reporting.

The current level of violence is worse than it was between 1988 and 1991. While credible data for the years immediately following the May 1994 ceasefire have not been published, the statistics available for the years since 2000 make 2014 the worst year on record since the ceasefire.

Drivers of escalation

So what happened in 2014? Three major factors could be identified as driving the escalation. The first two relate to the escalation’s initiator—Azerbaijan—and the third to Armenia and other international players.

On the structural level, Azerbaijan is seeking a military revanche against Armenia. The Aliyev regime has spent an estimated $9 billion on weapons purchases over the past decade. This includes $4 billion worth of weapons from Russia, $1.6 billion from Israel, $600 million from Turkey, $600 million from Belarus, and $400 million from Ukraine. But this arsenal is not yet fully in use and any large-scale military campaign can bring about unpredictable consequences and carries major risks for the Aliyev regime. So for now, both the military spending and low-level escalations on the Line of Contact serve to intimidate Armenians into diplomatic concessions in the Karabagh negotiations.

President Putin, center, mediates talks between Armenian and Azerbaijani Presidents on Aug. 10 in Sochi

Personnel changes in the Azerbaijani military have also made a difference. In November 2013, the former commander of Azerbaijan’s internal security forces, Zakir Hassanov, replaced Safar Abiyev as the minister of defense. Abiyev had been in that role since 1995. While a trend towards escalation was evident even before Abiyev’s replacement, at the time of the Karabagh War the then-frequent changes in Azerbaijan’s military leadership inevitably resulted in escalations at the front. What is also significant is that unlike Abiyev, Hassanov is a member of Azerbaijan’s ruling clan that has its roots in Nakhichevan and Armenia. Key officials that oversee Hassanov in Ilham Aliyev’s office, Vahid Aliyev and Magerram Aliyev, are also members of this clan. All three have no combat experience and are eager to prove their worth.

Finally, there is Armenia and how its government reacts to Azerbaijani attacks. On the one hand, the Armenian military has an established record of responding to every single Azerbaijani attack if it causes Armenian casualties. In 2014, this approach contributed both to the higher casualty tally and to restraining Azerbaijan from conducting additional attacks. Because the Azerbaijani military continued to suffer heavier casualties, particularly during the worst escalation in early August, the Aliyev regime moved to ban any “bad news” related to its forces. In recent months, only limited information on Azerbaijani casualties was made public—and only after leaks in social media. While this reflects the authoritarian nature of Azerbaijan’s regime, it is also an indication of the Azerbaijani public’s sensitivity to its military’s losses. That factor was in large part responsible for Abiyev’s ouster.

On the other hand, the civilian portion of the Armenian government also has an established record—but one of inaction when it comes to any meaningful effort to counter Azerbaijan diplomatically, such as trying to oppose large-scale weapons purchases or making Azerbaijan’s aggressive behavior politically costly. Last week, the mediators from France, Russia, and U.S. finally issued a statement that singled out Azerbaijan for criticism over its lack of commitment towards a peaceful settlement. It is unclear whether there will be any meaningful follow-up to that statement. While formally allied with Armenia, Russia has directly contributed to Azerbaijan’s military build-up in recent years and is now being sanctioned by the two other co-chairs for its aggression in Ukraine. The United States and Europe have so far refused to punish the Aliyev regime for its domestic crackdowns. Any serious action by the three Minsk Group co-chairs to restrain Azerbaijan over its anti-Armenian attacks remains difficult to imagine.

The post Loose Restraints: A Look at the Increasingly Shaky Karabagh Ceasefire appeared first on Armenian Weekly.