Special for the Armenian Weekly

Armenia, with new head coach Bernard Challandes secured a 4:3 victory over United Arab Emirates on Tues., May 27 at the Stade de la Fontenettein in Carouge, Switzerland. In doing so, Challandes recorded a victory on his managerial debut following his appointment earlier this year.

Goals from Henrikh Mkhitaryan (2), Levon Airapetian and Rumyen Hovsepyan were just enough to see off an Emirates side that posed one or two questions of the Armenian defense. In fact, the performance as a whole was a perfect microcosm of the current Armenian squad’s strengths and weaknesses, a match that was a reminder of the challenges that lay ahead for Challandes if he is to realize the goal of Euro 2016 qualification.

Armenia’s fluid and potent counter attacking style was working well against the weaker UAE team. Stalwarts of the Armenian attack, Movsisyan, Özbiliz and Mkhitaryan had everything clicking and at times, tore through the UAE defense with consummate ease. Movsisyan contributed with three assists, Mkhitaryan with two goals and Özbiliz was regularly involved in successful attacking movements. These attacking attributes would have been known to Challandes and seeing them on display first hand, only reinforces the expectations of his team to excel in the next campaign.

If plenty of Armenia’s work going forward pleased Challandes, their shortcomings on the defensive end of the field further highlighted the need for improvement in certain areas. As early as the first minute, UAE had exposed the inexperience on Haroyan in the center of the Armenian defense with only a terrific save from Gevorg Kasparov in goal sparing the youngster’s blushes. Haroyan is a strong and athletic defender but his ability to read the game and his decision making has sometimes come into question. Gevorg Kasparov was preferred in goal to the veteran Roman Berezovsky, and except for that early save, Kasparov had an indifferent performance, and was arguably at fault for two of the three goals Armenia conceded.

Armenia had a foothold in midfield and in attack throughout the match, however, the trickery of the UAE front men continued to keep the Armenian defense on their toes. UAE scored a pair of goals from close range headers off of in-swinging corner kicks. On both occasions, Kasparov was unable to dominate his area as he failed to claim the ball or fight his way through players to win a free kick in a crowded six yard box. Ismail Ahmed and Mohamed Salem managed to profit from that hesitation in net and powered both headers home from close range.

UAE’s other goal came from a probing attack down the left hand side, this time exposing the right full back Hambardzumyan. Reaching the bi-line, Ali Mabkhout had the simple task of cutting the ball back into the path of Omar Abdulrahman’s late run and he made no mistake with the finish. Hambardzumyan worked hard for the cause, but would need to improve his level of play to secure a regular starting position in the team.

Other positives from the outing were a workmanlike performance in midfield and a debut goal for Rumyen Hovsepyan as well as the long awaited national team debut of Mauro Guevgeozian. Both players should figure heavily in the upcoming campaign and add depth and further dynamism to the squad.

Overall it was a positive start from Challandes. In interviews, he has maintained a realistically positive outlook on the team and their chances for success in the upcoming campaign. He has also been active in recruiting new players to the squad. As well as that he was willing to give some young players their debut in his opening match in charge and above all, got off to a winning start.

Armenia’s next matches will be played on May 31 vs. Algeria in Sion, Switzerland and on June 6 vs. Germany in Mainz, Germany.

Armenia: Kasparov, Haroyan, Mkrtchyan, Hovsepyan (YC), Ghazaryan (90+1’ Sarkisov), Movsisyan (69’ Guevgeozian), Mkoyan, Mkhitaryan, Hambardzumyan (66’ Voskanian), Airapetian, Özbiliz (85’ Aslanyan-Mamedov)

Coach: Challandes

The post Soccer: Armenia Wins First Match Under Challandes appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

In April this year, French President Francois Hollande declared that “genocide” was the only word that could appropriately characterize the events of 1915; the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations passed a resolution affirming the historical reality of the Armenian Genocide; Australia’s newly appointed Human Rights Commissioner condemned the perpetrators of the Armenian Genocide; Members of the European Parliament declared that the attacks on Kessab were reminiscent of the historic deportation and massacre of Armenians; and the American Jewish Committee urged Turkey to address the Armenian Genocide. These were some of the political developments that marked the commemoration of the Armenian Genocide this year.

The shift in the media’s positioning toward Armenian Genocide recognition, however, was more significant than the political affirmations. Al Jazeera noted that Turkey has lost the battle of truth on the Armenian Genocide; CNN denounced Obama’s broken promise to use “the G word”; and Al Monitor ran the story of one popular Turkish political commentator who rejected years of denial to accept the Turkish state’s responsibility in the Armenian Genocide. Going even further, the Jerusalem Post and other news outlets criticized Erdogan for referring to the “shared pain” of Armenians and Turks in his first ever official statement on the occasion of the April 24 commemoration.

There have been many instances of third-party recognition of the Armenian Genocide over the years and it is likely that the next round of political affirmations are just around the corner, on the 100^th anniversary of 24 April 1915.

A number of commentators have remarked that recognition is not necessary for reparations and this has been proven to be true at least in the cases of AXA and New York Life insurance claims. However, if we accept that recognition is not necessary to bring about the beginning of reparations, we must equally accept that reconciliation will bring about their end. This is the reason why Turkey has been seeking to “reconcile” with Armenia as quickly and as expediently as possible. This year, Turkey again attempted to position itself as a promoter of reconciliation.

Erdogan’s statement and Davutoglu’s subsequent opinion piece in the Guardian offered condolences to the descendants, while stopping short of recognizing the genocide and accepting ownership of its consequences. As the Armenian Genocide Centenary approaches, we should expect Turkey to make numerous similar attempts to water down its historical reality and present-day implications.

This year, more than in previous years, brave Turkish citizens gathered to publicly commemorate the Armenian Genocide in various cities across Turkey. It is encouraging to see that internal pressures are now adding to the mass of external pressures. Ultimately, it is the combination of these two forces that will eventually lead Turkey to acknowledge the Armenian Genocide, and it will be critical for Armenia and the Armenian Diaspora to be prepared.

While reparations can be achieved through the court of law, a negotiated resolution is more likely to deliver enduring peace. Lasting reconciliation between the two nations is conditional upon the fulfillment of three key deliverables: achievement of substantive justice to address the crimes committed; agreement by the Armenian and Turkish states to the outcome; and acceptance of the outcome by their respective societies, through dialogue and direct engagement with each other.

The 2009 Turkey-Armenia protocols were particularly unpopular in Armenia and eventually failed because they did not satisfy the first and third deliverables. In reality, the protocols should not have been satisfactory to the Armenian government either.

Today, the Armenian state is landlocked and blockaded. It is unable to fully cater to some of the basic societal needs of its citizens, or the cultural and political needs of the Armenian Diaspora. It is plagued by emigration, it is militarily and economically vulnerable, and as a consequence, it is heavily reliant on Russia, with its domestic and foreign policies closely tied to the Kremlin. The fragility of Armenia today traces its roots back to the genocide and, as such, Armenia should be the primary beneficiary of reparations offered for the genocide.

As a state, Armenia is more vulnerable to pressure to reach a negotiated solution without substantive justice. It is critical, therefore, for the people of Armenia and the diaspora to support the Armenian state in its undeniable right to reparations.

In this regard, it is critical to consider what we want. A balanced stakeholder consultation process involving Armenian advocacy organizations, political parties, church denominations, cultural, business, and legal groups from Armenia and the diaspora, alongside representatives of the Armenian state, should guide the establishment of Armenian expectations. It may even be that Armenian Diasporan organizations need to lead this activity.

In negotiating a just resolution of the Armenian Genocide, nothing must be off the negotiation table.

Everything that Armenia is entitled to, everything that the Armenian Diaspora is entitled to, everything that the descendants of Armenian Genocide survivors in Turkey are entitled to, must be placed on the negotiation table.

This includes the return of lands; return of churches; the right of return for Armenians; the right of “hidden Armenians” to live freely and openly; and monetary compensations to Armenia, our churches, diasporan institutions, and individuals who choose to seek it. Additionally, there must be an unreserved apology by Turkey for the Crime and for years of denial; a repeal of anti-Armenian laws in Turkey; the placement of Armenian Genocide memorials in Turkey; and a correction of the Turkish account of history in the country’s education system. We must also seek a reduction in the Turkish military presence on the Armenian border; an acknowledgement that Azerbaijan’s anti-Armenian agendas in Nagorno-Karabagh and Nakhichevan have been the result of the long-standing absence of a just resolution of the Armenian Genocide; and a commitment by Turkey to apply pressure on Azerbaijan to recognize the right of the people of Nagorno-Karabagh to self-determination.

These are the top-line demands that Armenia and Armenians are entitled to in the form of reparations, and none of these rights should be compromised prior to negotiations. Undoubtedly a stakeholder consultation process among Armenians would lead to the development of a far more comprehensive list of rights.

What the final outcome of negotiations would be is, of course, uncertain. It is important to keep in mind, however, that when U.S. President Woodrow Wilson was asked to draw the border between Turkey and Armenia, his primary consideration was that Armenia be secure and sustainable.

Ultimately whatever the outcome of the negotiation, Armenia must be sustainable, independent of reliance on other countries for its defense and economic security, and able to fulfill its purpose of serving the needs of Armenians both at home and in the Armenian Diaspora.

The post Nothing Should Be off the Negotiation Table appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Legislators Call for Azerbaijani Perpetrators in Sumgait, Baku, Maragha and Kirovabad to be Brought to Justice

BATON ROUGE, La.—The Louisiana State Senate unanimously adopted a resolution, on May 28, condemning Azerbaijani pogroms against Armenians and called on the U.S. government to press Baku to bring the perpetrators to justice, reported the Armenian National Committee of America-Eastern Region (ANCA-ER).

Louisiana State Senator Edwin Murray

The measure was introduced by Senator Edwin Murray, who just last year spearheaded State Senate recognition of the Nagorno Karabagh Republic’s independence and urged the U.S. government to support the self-determination and democratic independence of this developing democratic state.

This year’s resolution, Senate Resolution 166, expresses “sympathy in support of the families of victims of massacres and atrocities perpetrated against the Armenian people in Azerbaijan.”  The measure goes on to call on the “President of the United States and the Congress [to] exert all available influence on the government of Azerbaijan to cease the falsification of the historical facts and bring those in Azerbaijan who are responsible for the Armenian massacres [to justice].”

The complete text of the resolution is available at:
http://www.legis.la.gov/legis/ViewDocument.aspx?d=909464

Vazken Kaltakdjian, Louisiana Chairman of the Armenian Council of America, worked closely with Senator Murray, Secretary of the Senate Glenn Koepp, Attorney John Seago and the broader Louisiana Armenian American community in moving this issue forward.

“The Lousiana State Senate once again spoke out for truth and justice by condemning Azerbaijan’s vicious attacks against Artsakh and the Armenian populations in Baku, Sumgait and throughout the country,” said Kaltakdjian.  “Resolutions such as these are particularly important in the face of an unrepentant Aliyev regime, which regularly violates the fragile Nagorno Karabagh ceasefire.”

ANCA Eastern Region Board Chairman Steve Mesrobian welcomed the initiative, stating, “We join with Armenians in Louisiana and across America in thanking Senator Edwin Murray and the Louisiana State Senate for condemning the Azerbaijan’s anti-Armenian attacks and calling on the U.S. government to take concrete steps to bring the perpetrators to justice.”

The U.S. has served as safe haven to tens of thousands of Armenian-Americans who are refugees of pogroms against Armenians in Sumgait (1988), Kirovabad (1988), and Baku (1990), and the ethnic-cleansing of the Armenian population of Azerbaijan. These pogroms set the stage for two decades of aggression by Azerbaijan, during which it launched and lost a war against Nagorno Karabagh, and later used its oil wealth to buy a massive military arsenal that its leaders, to this day, vow to use to renew their attempts to conquer a Christian people that have lived on these lands for thousands of years and, after great challenges, have flourished in freedom from Soviet oppression for more than 20 years.

The post Louisiana State Senate Condemns Anti-Armenian Atrocities in Azerbaijan appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Special for the Armenian Weekly

Every year my whole family unites to roll dolma and sarma for hours. When it comes to what we actually eat for dinner the traditional fare for the evening is take-out pizza. I have always found it funny that so much care is taken to recreate the traditional Armenian practice of rolling grape-leaves, while our actual meal is the traditional American quick and easy fix. As my cousins and I roll them they are carefully inspected to ensure reasonable sizing and a tight enough roll. When my uncles and aunts chop the onions and garlic they never flinch. This is a characteristic that is doubtless Armenian.

Armenian-ness can be built upon the powerful ancient history of Armenian civilization. (Photo of Ani Cathedral by Khatchig Mouradian)

I have tried swimming goggles, burning a candle while I chop. Though I know no method soothes the sear in my eyes when I chop, I know that there is only one way to chop an onion. Dad taught me to slice it in half first, so that it doesn’t slip, and then to slice thinly almost to the end but not quite so that it won’t fall apart. And then, rotate the onion ninety degrees and slice thinly again, this time letting it fall apart behind your knife. A perfectly diced onion appears before you. If, that is, you aren’t thwarted by tears. My eyes never fail to sear worse than they do when I open them underwater in the pool in summertime. My uncles and aunts could chop onion after onion without tears, without hardly blinking even. When I wondered how it was that they developed this ability, I wondered if it came from practice, or whether it came with developing a hardness to life in general as they aged. Or, perhaps it was some innate Armenian-ness. An innate Armenian-ness I did not have.

I saw Armenian-ness expressed in other ways besides that uncanny ability to disperse onions. In a magazine interview, Kim Kardashian credited her Armenian-ness for her storied derriere. At home, I saw the books from my grandfather’s collection and often heard Dad talk about how Armenians prized education and learning. Perhaps that quality contributed to my desire to learn more about the nature of this Armenian-ness.

With all of the manifestations of Armenian-ness out there, the question becomes what “Armenian” actually means. I was disappointed to find that the question cannot be answered with an etymology. Current attempts to trace the word itself back to an original people end in poor scholarship. Several different peoples inhabited the central plain to which Armenian origins are traced, resulting in no single discernable lineage. Tracing the word itself also proves problematic because a people may self-identify with one moniker while the world uses another. Any look to ancient Armenian history does make one thing clear though. The simple fact is that Armenians trace roots back really, really far. Hundreds of years further than Greece and Rome, and further even than the Persian empire.

While the past may not hold an etymology, delving into the impressively ancient Armenian history does yield useful insights into what it means to be “Armenian.” Here are a few basic ones. First, the mountainous fractured geography of the region kept the peoples now identified as proto-Armenians fractured into groups. This simple geographical determinism was not without consequences, and it informs an understanding of the factions that continue to hound Armenians today. Second, the area of ancient Armenia also suffered a large number of taxes exacted by the Persian imperial administration. These bureaucratic realities made for lots of bandits and rebels, early evidence and explanation of the toughness of the Armenian character (a contributing factor to my relatives’ superhuman onion tolerance?). Third, the geographical location of the Garden of Eden is Armenia, at the headwaters of the Tigris and Euphrates. With that unparalleled paradise within its borders, it is no wonder that Armenians are known for particular aesthetic talent. And fourth, the most ancient of Armenian houses, built in the sides of mountains, featured a ladle hung at the center of the dwelling. The place given food seems to have only increased in prominence since then. Now instead of a ladle, it is a vat of velvety pilaf.

Another particularly memorable episode from antiquity is Xenophon’s account of how he and his storied 10,000 drank beer through straws among the Armenians on their long march home. I leave this one up to your interpretation, and I’m still working on it myself.

Study of the ancient reveals much about the present. There is a tendency to look only one or two hundred years backwards when studying history. However, root causes of so-called modern issues are often in their purest form at the earliest origins of peoples. Nowadays much money and attention is paid modern history, especially in Armenia’s Middle Eastern region, in the name of understanding. And modern history plays a vital role in the attainment of such an understanding. However, a broader realization of how it is the most ancient of history that holds the deepest of understandings would also be beneficial.

Facts are more easily settled on when it comes to ancient history than modern national history. The Turkish government continues to deny the Genocide, a major event in its national narrative of Armenia. Without the ability to heal so wide a wound, the event looms larger in Armenian national consciousness. The young nation of Armenia faces the further challenge of doing a great deal of its nation-building outside its borders because of the large diasporas. Armenians were the favored builders of the Persian empire. And still, the talent for architecture and design persists in ways large and small. In elementary school Dad would sit me down with my poster-board for projects and guide me through measuring, lightly tracing and eventually cutting and pasting. The edges were clean and the pictures level.

Armenian-ness can be built upon the powerful ancient history of Armenian civilization. Indeed, the project of nation building is the project of answering the question of what it means to be Armenian. And antiquity legitimates and unifies nations with remarkable success. The discipline of archaeology itself is to a large extent a construct of the modern nation-state. A nation must exist to claim and celebrate certain elements of antiquity, whether material or otherwise, that are sanctioned as valuable. For example, Greece created its independent national identity after Ottoman occupation out of the sanctification of their past. This is seen in the large-scale reconstruction of their ruins, dissemination of idealistic “Golden Age” photographs of them worldwide, and successful propagation of a national narrative in which Greece identifies as the very foundation of civilization itself. Armenia has emerged from a situation of dominance under the Soviets as Greece emerged from under the Ottomans. And Armenia has an even longer history than Greece. Armenia could perhaps learn from how Greece and others have derived such national unity and strength from their ancient pasts. In the face of continued challenge to the modern Armenian national narrative, its incredibly ancient history is a promising further source of both understanding “Armenian-ness” and creating it.

The post In Search of a Golden Age of Armenian-ness appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

The ANCA stands up for the views, values, and vision of the Armenian American community.

We’re, very simply, your voice. Your grassroots organization. The group that you can trust to bring Armenian Americans together, forge consensus, foster cooperation, and focus the energies of our diverse community on our key policy priorities.

Building upon a legacy of more than a century of service, we represent a forward-leaning approach to the Armenian Cause, one that has earned for us all the respect that our community deserves, and—far more importantly—that has generated the political power that we need to protect our homeland, and promote our proud heritage.

You’ll see this first-hand on June 1st during our nationwide ANCA Telethon, which will showcase all we’re doing for the priorities that matter to you and your family: A safe, secure, and prosperous Armenia; a free and independent Artsakh; truth and justice for the Genocide; safety for our Middle East communities, and; so many others.

We are fighting all these political battles for you, in the face of a flood of Ankara’s lies and waves of Azerbaijani attacks. Thankfully, because of your support, we’re able to counter these attacks, tirelessly asserting our rights and fearlessly setting the record straight. A really great example of how we’ve been able to block foreign interests from hijacking U.S. policy just took place in Tennessee, where our local ANCA chapter helped reveal the shady deals behind failed anti-Armenian legislation. Check out this shocking investigative report by Nashville’s News Channel 5!

As we approach the ANCA Telethon broadcast, consider just a few of our recent accomplishments:

– The U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee’s historic 12 to 5 vote adopting the Armenian Genocide Resolution—over intense Turkish opposition.

– The ANCA’s bold Congressional testimony calling for a transition from aid to trade as the foundation of a new U.S.-Armenia economic relationship based on job-creation and reversing out-migration. We have welcomed the largest-ever U.S. investment in Armenia, a $200+ million deal to revitalize a hydro-electric power station, and are encouraging new American investments to help diversify Armenia’s economy and provide Yerevan strategic options in the region.

– The #SaveKessab campaign that went viral and alerted the world to Turkey’s role in the al-Qaeda linked attack on the Armenian town of Kessab, Syria.

– The California State Assembly’s recognition of the independent Republic of Nagorno Karabakh, the fifth U.S. state to stand up for the right of Artsakh to democratic self-determination.

– The high-profile defeat of Baku-backed anti-Armenian measures in state legislatures across the country, along with renewed Congressional condemnations of Azerbaijan’s aggression.

– The introduction of bipartisan legislation requiring the State Department to officially report to Congress about U.S. efforts to secure Turkey’s return of stolen Armenian and all Christian churches.

On each of these issues, it’s not enough for us to fight today’s battles. We need to prepare for tomorrow’s challenges and opportunities. That’s why, as we approach our June 1st ANCA Telethon, it’s so vital for all of us to renew our commitment to the Armenian Cause.

It’s because of you that our community has a strong Armenian Lobby: A point of pride for our community, a key source of power for our cause, and a proven engine of progress for our issues in Congress and across Washington.

It has been your generosity that has earned the ANCA recognition internationally as the forceful, united, and effective voice for all Armenian Americans. But we need your renewed financial support to take us to the next level:

– Leveraging cutting-edge technology to connect Armenians nationwide, strengthening our community’s social network.

– Helping talented young Armenian Americans start careers in U.S. politics, government, and the media, and get elected to key political offices.

– Going beyond protecting Armenia from her external enemies, by empowering those working inside Armenia to build a stronger, more sustainable and democratic homeland.

The challenges the Armenian nation faces can sometimes seem overwhelming. But, for Armenia to survive and thrive, our community must surely tackle its problems head-on. Over the long centuries of Armenian history, much has changed, but not the enduring role of selfless service. Sacrifice is as important today as it was in the days of Avarayr, of Sardarabad, of Shushi.

That’s why it’s so vital for each of us to do our part to help the ANCA advance our shared priorities:

– A truthful and just resolution of the Armenian Genocide

– A strong, prosperous, fair, and democratic Armenia

– A secure and independent Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh)

– An economically viable, culturally vibrant Javakhk

– A full and fair return of our Western Armenian homeland

– An energized, inspired and sustainable Armenian Diaspora

On these shared priorities, and for all the core issues close to our hearts, progress is only possible with your continued faith and renewed support. So whether you support the vital educational efforts of the ANCA Endowment Fund (tax-deductible) or the political advocacy efforts of the ANCA (not tax-deductible), please know that your donation, large or small, will make a real and lasting difference.

The post The ANCA: Forging Consensus, Fostering Cooperation, Focusing on the Future appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

CHICAGO, Ill. (A.W)—A banquet celebrating the 115^th anniversary of Hairenik and the 80^th anniversary of the Armenian Weekly took place at the home of Arpi Seferian on May 17.

A scene from the event (Photo by Tina Cholakian)

Around 50 guests attended the event, which featured Professor Richard Hovannisian as guest speaker. Hovannisian spoke about the time he spent in Lebanon when he was still a student, and the wealth of experience he gathered there. He told anecdotes from that period in his life, accompanied by slideshows of photographs of that time, nearly 60 years ago.

Additional details to follow.

The post Hairenik, Weekly Celebrate Anniversaries in Chicago appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Unprecedented Grassroots Support Elevates ANCA Telethon 2014

LITTLE ARMENIA, Calif.—The ANCA Telethon 2014 rallied unprecedented grassroots support during its 6-hour nationwide broadcast on June 1, with tens of thousands of Armenian Americans from the across the U.S. joining in a true show of community power and unity to advance the civic education efforts of the ANCA Endowment.

Activists and community leaders at the East Coast studio in Boston during the ANCA Telethon.

After a host of informative segments on the growing Armenian American presence in all aspects of civic life, along with a healthy dose of community commentary and entertainment, more than $2,021,763 million was raised at the close of the Telethon in support of the educational and grassroots development efforts of the ANCA Endowment. Highlights from the broadcast are featured on the ANCA telethon website and the ANCA Facebook page.

This year’s telethon was accompanied by a rush of Social media support with Armenians from around the world turning to Facebook, Instagram and Twitter to spread the civic development message of the ANCA Endowment. The “#goANCA” selfie campaign spotlighted community groups, families and individuals—all united around the ANCA’s community empowerment initiatives.

The ANCA Endowment Fund supports a broad range of educational, youth, and civic programs that give voice to the views and values of the Armenian American community, strengthening our presence in the American civic arena, and empowering pro-Armenian stakeholders with the information and resources they need to take on the powerful forces aligned against the Armenian nation.

The first three ANCA Endowment Fund telethons, held in 2006, 2009 and 2012, raised over $6.5 million for Armenian American educational, youth, and civic programs. Both programs touched a common emotional chord, speaking directly to the devotion to the Armenian Cause that rests in the hearts of Armenians from across the U.S., regardless of organizational or political affiliations.

Countless organizations, volunteers, churches, community leaders, local ANCAs, performing artists, Members of Congress, and state legislators from across the nation participated in the telethons, contributing to their enormous success. Both telethons featured several documentaries that highlighted various ANCA programs and numerous results the ANCA Endowment has achieved over the years, largely through its volunteer and grassroots network.

The post Over $2 Million Raised for ANCA Civic Education Efforts at Telethon 2014 appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

I remember that May afternoon like it was yesterday. We had just finished eating makloube at my uncle’s home. Makloube translates to “flipped over” in English. The food itself—consisting of meat, rice pilaf, and eggplants—is layered and cooked then served upside down. It was my aunt’s specialty.

Makloube—consisting of meat, rice pilaf, and eggplants—is layered and cooked then served upside down.

After my stomach was well satisfied, I suddenly had an epiphany: the Syrian Arab Republic was holding a referendum to determine the approval rate of the incumbent President Bashar Al-Assad, and for the first time in my life, I was eligible to vote.

After an hour of deliberation, I finally convinced my father to take me to an election center. My uncle informed us that the nearest ballot hall was located at the Karen Jeppe Secondary School in the predominantly Armenian Meedan neighborhood; the school where I endured most of my suspensions and beatings. Today, Meedan (referred to by Armenians as Nor Kyough) is the favorite destination for the mortar bombs launched by the opposition.

The aftermath of the mortar bomb attacks on the Meedan neighborhood of Aleppo that took place in the days leading up to the June 3 Presidential Elections.

Even though my options were limited to a YES or NO vote in favor or against the incumbent president, I was excited. When we finally arrived to the school, I realized that there was no voting booth. I was supposed to cast my vote while two mukhabarat intelligence officers stood beside me.

When I got my hands on the ballot sheet I paused and looked up towards the officers. They were courteous. They smiled at me in a manner that ensured that I made the “right” decision. And indeed I did; on that day, I contributed to the 97 percent approval rate of President Assad.

Of course, a lot has changed in Syria since the 2007 “elections.” Between the barrel bombs of the regime and the mortar bombs of the opposition, the country has become a mere shadow of its former self. Half of Syria’s population has been displaced internally or as refugees. And now, for the first time in a very long time, the country is holding elections where more than one candidate is running for the presidency.

Certainly the outcome of the June 3, 2014 Syrian elections is not in doubt; barring a miracle, President Assad will start a third term as the head of the state. But while western governments and the mainstream media would like us to believe that the election is a farce, the reality is otherwise.

In the past several days, millions of Syrian refugees and compatriots have submitted their absentee ballots at more than 40 Syrian embassies around the world, including in Lebanon, Armenia, Jordan, Russia, and elsewhere. According to most reports, the vast majority of the Syrians who have cast their absentee ballots have voted for President Assad.

The mainstream media has provided numerous explanations for the massive turnout. The BBC concluded that Syrians are voting for the incumbent president out of fear. In fact, in the case of Lebanon, some sources have even suggested that Assad’s ally, Hezbollah, has threatened Syrians and forced them to vote.

Other sources have asserted that the election is a farce because the other two candidates, Maher Hajjar and Hassan Al-Nouri did not have the proper means to campaign. And still, others have implied that the aforementioned candidates are mere puppets of the Assad regime.

The Lebanese news agency, Future TV, notorious for its anti-Assad rhetoric, questioned the logic of the Syrians who were voting for the incumbent president. The Future TV reporter asked a Syrian man wearing a Thawb—the traditional Arabian gown—“Why are you voting for the same regime? In the same fashion?”

The man from Aleppo replied, “The regime did not force us to leave our country. The terrorists did.” Future TV concluded its report by labeling the upcoming elections as, “Entrenched in Blood: the Tragedy of Democracy.”

Of course, holding elections while the country is embroiled in a destructive war is less than ideal. More importantly, the legitimacy and allegiance of the two presidential contenders, Hajjar and Al-Nouri, is subject to scrutiny. However, on the political front, the 2014 Syrian Presidential Election represents a step forward; it certainly is a step ahead of the 2007 referendum that I was a part of.

In 2007, Syria was a totalitarian state. A revolution was bound to happen. Since March 2011, the regime and the opposition have been guilty of spilling Syrian blood, destroying homes and creating a refugee crisis. But if at the beginning of the uprising the Syrian people were able to associate themselves with the demonstrators who were demanding democracy, freedom and reform, that is not the case today.

In the past three years, President Assad’s military strategy and political resilience has ensured his survival longer than anyone could have anticipated. And by surviving the worse, Assad has managed to make a makloube out of the Syrian revolution, turning it upside down. Of course, President Assad cannot take all the credit for this turn of events. The opposition has played a significant role.

When in April 2013, Moaz al-Khatib, the president of the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition forces, decided to resign from his post, it was clear that the opposition in Syria was in shambles. The lack of unity within the ranks of the opposition and the resilience of President Assad, have led us to where we are now.

Today, the opposition has no identity and zero credibility. The moment foreign fighters emerged in the country was the moment the Syrian Revolution ceased to exist. After all, it is inconceivable that foreign fighters from 80 different countries are fighting to bring democracy to the Syrian people. More importantly, this is one of the reasons why the opposition is rapidly losing its grassroots support.

President Assad’s imminent victory in the June 3, 2014 Syrian Presidential Election, is merely a reflection of the current reality in Syria. The Syrians will elect President Assad, not because they are afraid, but because they already know what to expect from his regime, whereas the opposition, with all of its factions, remains a dark mystery.

In fact, whether the western governments like it or not, in today’s circumstances, President Assad would win any free and fair election that takes place in Syria. And after all, that’s what Democracy is all about, right? After three years of destruction, the Syrian people will choose peace and security in exchange for their silent obedience. And no one has the right to blame them.

Moreover, Assad’s victory in the upcoming elections will be a resounding defeat for the Western rhetoric. Assad might not have won the battle on the ground, but for now, he has won the propaganda war.

The post Syria: Makloube and the Election appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Special for the Armenian Weekly

By Sophia Moradian & Karine Vann

On Feb. 24, Hasmik Khachatryan, 27, stood in the courtroom of the Gegharkunik District in Gavar, Armenia, to testify against her husband, Sargis Hakobyan. She hoped that by doing so, he might be held accountable for the physical and psychological abuse he had unleashed for nearly a decade. Khachatryan is part of a growing statistic of women in Armenia who are speaking out about gender-based violence.

Former leader of the Progressive Socialist Party Robert Aharonyan

The case took an even more controversial turn on May 7, when the former leader of the Progressive Socialist Party, Robert Aharonyan, verbally and physically assaulted journalists and supporters following one of Khachatryan’s hearings. Video footage from the incident went viral and captured Aharonyan addressing a crowd of native and diasporan Armenians, as well as representatives of women’s rights organizations, in rather explicit language: “Get lost, go back to your country! Why have you come to interfere with Armenia? … The day will come [when] we will deport you, [and] close the border. I am a supporter of strong families… Don’t destroy the Armenian family with your European approaches.”

Commenting on the incident in an interview with Civil Net, Maro Matosian, a Diasporan repatriate and the founder of the Women’s Resource Center in Yerevan, said, “Lately, a lot of marginalized small organizations [have been] able to change the mindset of people and spread out information that women organizations are trying to break up families in Armenia, that we do not support the ‘traditional fabric’ of an Armenian family, whatever that means.”

It is shocking that in certain contexts, the word “family” in Armenia has come to justify the violation of human rights. But in order to understand the attitudes of individuals like Aharonyan, which are so at odds with human rights movements of the 21^st century, it seems that we must first ask, “What is the ‘traditional Armenian family’?”

How can we distinguish between the family as a social unit—so central to our psychological and emotional wellbeing—and the exploitation of the term as a driving force behind arguments from individuals like Aharonyan?

While recent events paint a bleak picture of women’s rights in Armenia, organizations such as the Women’s Resource Center,Women’s Support Center, Pink Armenia, Society Without Violence, For Family and Health, and the Coalition to Stop Violence against Women inspire hope. These organizations, many emerging as recently as earlier this year, have been critical in empowering Armenian women, like Khachatryan, to claim their right to nonviolence.

They also set an example for the emergence of other like-minded organizations. SheFighter, a self-defense training program designed to empower women and girls, was recently established by Nora Kayserian on March 8, International Women’s Day. Describing her program, Kayserian said, “Women who usually come out of self-defense classes, after a long period of time, feel more entitled to their body, more entitled to their rights. They have both a stronger body and a stronger mind, in terms of speaking up for themselves, making their voices heard, basically owning the fact that they are independent people, and they’re capable, and they have control of their lives and themselves.”

More and more women are becoming aware of their rights. And whereas before, domestic violence cases faded into anonymity, they are now seeing the light of day. Yet, it will take time for a patriarchal society

Activists hold a banner that reads, “End violence towards women,” during a protest in Yerevan (Photo credit: Society Without Violence)

like Armenia to come to terms with the “new values” that are so at odds with tradition.

The most recent hearing for the Khachatryan case took place on May 20. The verdict, however, was delayed because Hakobyan’s lawyer ordered another medical examination to verify the physical abuse. Hakobyan denies nearly all of the accounts of physical violence against Khachatryan, including claims that he put out his cigarettes on her body.

In spite of these obstacles, as global citizens we know that nothing is specific to Armenia. Gender equality, along with many other challenges facing Armenia today, are global issues.

Concluding her interview, Matosian ended on a note of optimism: “That’s the challenge and that’s the beauty of being in Armenia.” Armenia has the advantage of being a small country with a strong collective identity and a progressive and committed diasporan network. We should embrace Armenia’s unique circumstances as the ideal environment for change to take place in the future. Diasporan or not, it’s perhaps one thing we can all agree on.

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YEREVAN—The Armenian Revolutionary Federation Bureau issued an announcement on June 4 condemning the ongoing rocket attacks on the Syrian city of Aleppo and urging international action to end the attacks on the civilian population and specifically the Armenian community.

Below is the translated text of the announcement:

“We call on all governments, especially Western nations, who are supporting the opposition forces to immediately use their leverage to halt the attacks on Armenian neighborhoods.”

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation Bureau condemns the continuing attack on Armenian neighborhoods in Aleppo during the past several days. There is already no doubt that the target of opposition forces to the Syrian regime has become Armenian neighborhoods.

There is evidence that the growing attacks on Armenian neighborhoods are being encouraged, especially by Turkey.

We call on all governments, especially Western nations, who are supporting the opposition forces to immediately use their leverage to halt the attacks on Armenian neighborhoods. Those governments that do not work to end the operations will be considered accomplices in the anti-Armenian attacks and all other crimes.

We call on the Syrian authorities to initiate immediate measures to secure the physical safety of unarmed Christian minorities.

We also call on the entire Armenian nation to, through all available means, support all efforts by Hai-Tahd committees and offices in an effort to end the anti-Armenian activities.

ARF Bureau
June 4, 2014

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ALEPPO, Syria (A.W.)—After enduring water shortage and blackouts last month, Syrian Armenians are once again facing obliteration. In the days leading up to the June 3 Syrian presidential elections, the Syrian opposition intensified its offensive on the regime-held territories.

Unger Misak Bashgezenian’s coffin at the St. Asdvadzadzin Church of Aleppo. (Photo by Raffi Sulahian, June 1)

According to sources in Aleppo, since June 1, more than 60 mortar bombs have landed in the predominantly Armenian neighborhoods of Nor Kyough (Meedan) and Suleimanieh.

Since the escalation of the attacks on May 26, several Armenians have been killed. Among the casualties are Avedis Kebabjian and Rahel Tavitian. The latest registered casualty is Antranig Kantarjian. His body was found in the rubble on June 2.

Unger Misak Bashgezenian’s coffin covered by the ARF flag. (Photo by Raffi Sulahian, June 1)

On May 31, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) lost one of its own: Unger Misak Barkevi Boshgezenian. Unger Boshgezenian’s memorial was held on June 1at the St. Asdvadzadzin Church in Aleppo.

Several Armenians have also sustained injuries. They include Stepan Aroushian, Zareh Ghazarian, Zareh Kaekejian, Manoug Ghazelian, Hovsep Aramian, and Harout Iskenian. They have since received adequate treatment, and their condition is stable.

The opposition’s mortar bombs not only caused injuries and deaths, but also damaged and destroyed the infrastructure of the Syrian-Armenian properties in Aleppo. Numerous homes, workshops, schools, churches, and national establishments were targeted in the most recent wave of attacks.

Last month, for several weeks, water and electricity were cut off in Aleppo. Millions of civilians, including the 25,000 Armenians of Aleppo, were left scrambling to find drinking water. “We acquired some water from the Quayk River, boiled it and drank it,” said Hagop from Aleppo. “Some of us had no other alternative.”

“Due to the heavy bombardment in the Nor Kyough neighborhood, our beloved Karen Jeppe now has a new entrance,” said a Syrian-Armenian activist from Aleppo.

The Sahakian Elementary School in the Nor Kyough (Meedan) neighborhood of Aleppo.

The Armenian shops located in the Nor Kyough neighborhood, near the Karen Jeppe Armenian College of Aleppo.

The entrance of the Sahakian Elementary School, founded in 1927 through a donation from the Armenian Diasporan communities of India and Brazil.

St. Gregory the Illuminator Church in the Nor Kyough neighborhood of Aleppo in Ruins. (Photo by Perio News)

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Seeks Transparency and Accountability for Depopulation of Armenian Town by Terrorist Group

WASHINGTON—The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) continues to press the Obama Administration for straight answers about Turkey’s role in a March 21 cross-border attack by extremists that depopulated the historically Armenian town of Kessab, Syria.

In an exchange of letters with the Department of State, ANCA Chairman Ken Hachikian stressed that Armenian Americans remain “very troubled by the administration’s continued reluctance to provide a simple answer to a straightforward question: ‘Is it the considered judgment of the U.S. government that the Republic of Turkey aided, abetted, facilitated, or otherwise played a role in the March 21^st attack on Kessab?’”

The ANCA’s May 15 letter, addressed to Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland, noted that “As Americans, citizens of a nation bound to Turkey by our NATO treaty obligations, we deserve to know if this U.S. ally has conspired with extremists—officially designated by our government as terrorists—in a cross-border attack against a peaceful population. If our government’s investigation has found that Turkey played no role in this attack, the administration should make this view known, challenging widespread media accounts of Ankara’s complicity. If, however, our government’s investigation has confirmed a Turkish role, the administration should forcefully and publicly confront Turkey for conspiring with an al Qaeda-linked group to drive thousands of civilians from their homes. In either case, we ask the administration to cooperate with all relevant Congressional investigations.”

Congressman Brad Sherman has played a pivotal role in ensuring that Members of Congress have been briefed by administration officials concerning the attack on Kessab.

In a May 2 State Department letter to the ANCA, which came in response to an ANCA meeting with Obama Administration officials following the March attack, Assistant Secretary Nuland commented indirectly about Turkey, noting, “We have reminded Turkey of its responsibilities for protecting civilian populations along the border and for ensuring that armed groups are not able to use Turkish territory for actions against civilians.”

Despite extensive evidence of Ankara’s facilitation of this assault, Nuland passed along the Turkish government’s denial, without any critical commentary: “Turkish authorities have stated that they had no involvement in the displacement of the population of Kessab and did not allow armed groups to cross the border into Syria.” In this letter, Nuland underscored the U.S. government’s position regarding “the importance of ensuring that Armenian Christians can continue to live and flourish in the land of their ancestors, and we understand that the situation in Kessab is particularly fraught.”

A link to the ANCA’s May 15 letter to Nuland can be viewed by visiting www.anca.org/assets/pdf/0514_anca_kessab_letter.pdf.

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The Central Executive Board of the Armenian Relief Society (ARS) condemns, in no uncertain terms, the ongoing, indiscriminate shelling of Aleppo’s Armenian-populated Nor Kyough suburb since June 1. Following the brutal deportation of the native Armenians of Kessab, this latest undeniably anti-Armenian military operation has devastated Nor Kyough.

Along with many casualties, buildings that house Armenian schools, churches, organizational properties, countless homes and business premises have been leveled with constant bombardment. As a result, many Armenian families have been left homeless. Once again, the ARS/Syria’s shelter and the socio-medical center, the only center providing health care services to residents, have also been damaged.

We appeal to all powers, the United Nations, and international political and non-governmental organizations, to take all possible steps to put a stop to the killing of innocent civilians and the physical destruction of their homes and communal structures.

The Armenian Relief Society, with the full support of Diasporan and Homeland benevolent, political, and diplomatic organizations, will do its utmost to relieve the pain and despair of the victims of this latest assault on Armenian communities of the Middle East.

Armenian Relief Society, Inc.
Central Executive Board
June 5, 2014
Boston, Mass. 

ARS-Syria’s Socio-medical Center after the attacks

ARS-Syria’s Socio-medical Center before the attacks

ARS-Syria’s Preschool after the attacks

ARS-Syria’s Preschool before the attacks

ARS-Syria’s Hamalian Hall after the attacks

ARS-Syria’s Hamalian Hall before the attacks

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In a Dec. 17, 2013 judgment on the case of Perincek vs. Switzerland, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) denounced the conviction of Turkish nationalist Dogu Perincek by the Swiss courts.

In 2005, during several events in Switzerland, Perincek had described the genocide of the Armenians as an “international lie,” thereby violating Swiss anti-racism legislation (Article 261 of the Swiss Penal Code). However, the ECHR viewed the remarks as protected by the fundamental right to freedom of expression, which it deemed was breached by the judgment of the Swiss courts. It would appear that the goal associated with this specific expression of opinion and the political context in which it occurred played no role.

Immanuel Kant once pointed out that “opinion is a consciously insufficient judgment.” And thus the following question begs to be asked: What is the political agenda behind a consciously “insufficient judgment” of false historical factual assertions in the case of human rights and international law violations?

One of the most important insights that came from the Holocaust was that for the effective protection of human rights and the prevention of collective violence and genocide (apart from the punishment of severe human rights violations and crimes against humanity), the denial of these crimes must also be sanctioned. This consensus has constituted one of the central pillars of tolerance and democracy, and served as the blueprint for lasting peace in Europe following 1945.

In this context, namely the sanctioning of genocide denial on the one hand and the protection of the fundamental right to freedom of expression on the other, it is helpful to remind ourselves of the legal foundations of the punishability of “Auschwitz denial” (Penal Code §130, section 3) in the Federal Republic of Germany. With regard to “Auschwitz denial,” the Federal Constitutional Court examined the question of breaching the fundamental right to freedom of expression. In this respect, a fundamental distinction was made between opinions and factual assertions, with the latter being protected only if they serve as the foundation for forming opinion. But according to the Federal Constitutional Court, a democracy has, in principle, no interest in protecting untrue factual assertions, as these make no positive contributions to forming societal opinions. For this reason, the Federal Constitutional Court did not deem the protected space of freedom of expression to be breached in the case of Holocaust denial. According to this jurisdiction, which has existed for decades, such false remarks therefore do not constitute an opinion in the sense of basic constitutional law. The fundamental right to freedom of expression is therefore not even pertinent (BVerfGE 90, 241 from April 13, 1994).

This view confirms the judgment of the ECHR insofar as it also does not view the denial of the Holocaust as protected by the fundamental right to freedom of expression, as the crimes of the National Socialists against the European Jews have been historically established and decreed by a court, the Nuremburg war crimes tribunal.

The denial of the genocide of the Armenians can be seen in a comparable sense as a false factual assertion, which should likewise not be protected by the fundamental right to freedom of expression.

Indeed, the crimes against the Armenians are not only historically documented but were, as in the case of the Holocaust, established by the 1919 conviction of the initiators, the persons responsible, and the main perpetrators. The trials were conducted by a special war court, which was set up on the basis of a note from the Allied governments in May 1915; the charge was “crimes against humanity and against civilization.”

In both cases, the main perpetrators were not on trial for the criminal offence of “genocide,” as this term did not yet exist as a category of international law, but for the criminal offence of “crimes against humanity,” from which the legal category of “genocide” was later derived. These two genocides, the genocide of the Armenians and the Holocaust, thus prompted the establishment of the category of “genocide” in international law. The Armenian Genocide led the international law expert Raphael Lemkin to call for the establishment and stimulation of such a category in international law; the Holocaust led to this being implemented in 1948 with the UN Genocide Convention.

Beyond this formal-legal and legal-historical context, it can be established that the denial of the genocide of the Armenians is fundamentally a political strategy of Turkey, and Dogu Perincek is one of the most important and provocative exponents of this strategy. For instance, he was a central protagonist of the Talat Pasha movement, which was named after one of the main persons responsible for the extermination of the Armenians. Among other things, in 2006, the movement aimed to protest against the “genocide lie” with a “march in Berlin.” In a judgment on March 17, 2006, the Higher Administrative Court of Berlin permitted the event, but under the condition that the Armenian Genocide not be described as a lie, either in speech or in verbal or written contributions, as this would fulfill the objective facts of denigrating the remembrance of the deceased, according to §189 StGB.

The lack of an international consensus in terms of acknowledging the genocide, which is addressed in the justification of the judgment of the ECHR, is not based on an insufficient historical documentation of events or on an inadequately justified qualification of the event by historical research. Rather, it is based precisely on this policy of denial by Turkey, which has been flanked by massive threats of economic and political sanctions for almost 100 years. The powerful effectiveness of this vehement state policy of denial is shown, for instance, in the fact that the president of the United States of America, Barack Obama, avoids the term “genocide” with regard to the Armenian Genocide, and instead uses the Armenian term for genocide, “yeghern,” a term that has been used by the Armenian community since the 1920’s, and which is equivalent to the Hebrew term “shoah.” The fact that thus far, only 20 nation-states have withstood the immense pressure exerted by Turkey on the community of states, and have acknowledged the genocide of the Armenians as such, does not reflect a lack of consensus. Rather, it is the result of a problematic prevention of expressing historical facts due to economic and alliance-political considerations between the states.

The agenda of Turkish denial, which in view of the upcoming 100th anniversary of the genocide is taking on a new quality of state-institutional organization, by no means consists solely in the negation of dark remembrance. The denial is a political strategy and the basis of a policy: It is an integral element in the process of forming a national Turkish identity. In this context, the suppression of the analysis of one’s own history by Turkish “state opinion” enables a repressive policy on minorities, a disregard of human rights, and an acceleration of racist prejudices in Turkey, where the word “Armenian” is still used as a defamatory swear word.

If the ECHR now places Perincek’s claim that the genocide of the Armenians is an “international lie” under the protection of the human right to freedom of expression, this has far-reaching consequences. For, on the one hand, the qualification of the opposite standpoint as a “lie” means depriving it of its status as an expression of opinion and defaming it as a deliberately false factual assertion. On the other hand, the protection of this defamation by the fundamental right to freedom of expression ultimately applies not only to individual expression but also to the system of political denial in which this expression is made. It is not without reason that following the announcement of the verdict, Turkish newspapers reported that although it was Perinçek, the now heralded kahraman (hero), who had enforced his rights before the ECHR, the verdict also meant a victory for Turkey—and its politics of history and identity, as well as its national politics.

Therefore, when comparing the protection against the denial of genocide crimes with the right to freedom of expression, we must ask how we can defend ourselves against ways of using this freedom in order, through consciously insufficient judgment, to endanger or deny basic European values—and the political-strategic denial of the most severe crimes and the denigration of their victims is an undeniable part of this. Therefore, in its considerations regarding the Holocaust, as mentioned, the German Federal Constitutional Court did not deem the protected space of the freedom of expression as being breached.

But even if one had seen such expressions as opinions, thus deeming the protected space of freedom of expression to be breached, the question of the justification of such an encroachment still arises. In this respect, a balancing of interests should be taken. In terms of the punishability of genocide denial, the weight of the apparently affected fundamental right should be weighed against the fundamentally violated, perhaps even dissolved personal right of the victims. Here, too, a look at the German legislation on the punishability of Auschwitz denial can be illuminating: The core of the legislations is the protection of victims against derision, protection against the disparagement of the memory of the deceased, and protection of descendants against defamation (§189 StGB).

The decision to criminalize the denial of a genocide is not a guideline to determine history; rather, it opens up a legal space to enable the protection of historical knowledge about the facts of the genocide and the remembrance of the victims. Against the backdrop of the strategic policy of denial by Turkish “state opinion” and its agents, it would be desirable to specifically protect the remembrance of the victims of the Armenian Genocide by the Young Turks against false factual assertions.

Switzerland, which is exemplary in this respect regarding its legislation and its legal practice, is called upon not to follow the judgment of the Small Chamber of the Strasbourg Court, but to take it to the Grand Chamber of the ECHR.

As there is a danger here of undermining a fundamental principle established following the experience of the Holocaust, an urgent task of international politics and, particularly, its legal bodies is to fulfill this responsibility for protection.

Prof. Dr. Mihran Dabag is the director of the Institut für Diaspora und Genozidforschung/Ruhr-Universität Bochum.

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Here we are within one year of an historic milestone in our quest for justice. It is now 99 years since the Ottoman-Turkish government unleashed the genocide that slaughtered some 1.5 million innocent Armenian men, women, and children. A genocide that uprooted another 500,000 from their ancestral lands and saw tens of thousands of our young women and children taken in servitude and denied their birthright to grow up as Armenians.

The purpose of the genocide was simple enough: to empty the historic provinces of Western Armenia of its people and to plunder their wealth. Complicit in this politically motivated crime were the government leaders of England, France, and the United States by their acceptance of the horrendous slaughter that was taking place with their full knowledge, notwithstanding what amounted to their meaningless protestations. Compounding this tragedy, England, as the principal architect of the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), welcomed Kemal Ataturk, who was no less responsible for the anguish visited upon the Armenian people, and the newly formed Republic of Turkey into the community of nations absolved of all responsibility for the genocide.

The new Turkey was given the blood-soaked historic lands of Western Armenia emptied of its people by a genocide that subjected its victims to the most inhumane and barbaric methods imaginable. These supposed bastions of democracy saw fit to ignore this heinous crime against the Armenians. The personal and community property plundered from the victims was gifted to Ataturk in the Treaty of Lausanne. The government of the United States, by its inaction, was as culpable as England and France in allowing this transgression against the Armenian people to go unpunished.

The year 2015 will mark the 100th anniversary of the genocide that sought to wipe us from the face of the earth. A genocide that has continued unabated in the decades that followed to destroy physical evidence that Turkey occupies lands that were settled by our people for millennia—lands that still, legally and morally, belong to the Armenian nation. Today we are no closer to the justice that is rightfully ours than we were during those years immediately following the genocide, when our nation faced an improbable future against seemingly insurmountable obstacles.

Now here is the rub. Turkish intellectuals stress the importance for Turkey to “acknowledge its past”; bravo to them. When foreign leaders say that Turkey should face its past especially during official visits to Turkey, we become euphoric when it is reported in the Armenian press. Similarly when Turkish citizens demonstrate in remembrance of the tragic assassination of Hrant Dink or proclaim that “We are all Hrant Dink,” we are encouraged to believe that we are moving ever closer to the justice we seek. We want to believe that a wave of sympathy, like a tsunami, is slowing building and when it finally crashes on the Turkish shore, government leaders will be forced to acknowledge the country’s past. I don’t believe so. However, given the volatility of the domestic political environment within Turkey, no one can say with certainty what may happen in the future.

Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, as a prelude to the 100th anniversary of the modern era’s first genocide, continues the official policy of denial that every Turkish government has followed. He refers to the common pain that Armenians and Turks endured and the need for historians to make a judgment as to what actually happened during the years from 1915 to 1923. His hypocrisy can be understood, but how can one say the same for President Barak Obama when his April 24th message is once again filled with platitudes; when fails to use the word genocide; and when he suggests that a “full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the facts is in all of our interests.” Who is he addressing with this banal suggestion?

Mr. President, the slaughter of 1.5 million innocent Armenian men, women, and children between 1915 to 1923 is an historic fact that has been thoroughly documented and evaluated by unbiased, credentialed scholars—not politicians—who have unanimously agreed that it was genocide. Yes, it would be “in all of our interests” if you would remind your friends in Ankara, as well as yourself, to acknowledge the facts.

Our naiveté in believing that the pressure is mounting on Ankara to accept its past is frightening. As part of the Turkish response to 2015, Erdogan has once again invited Armenia and the (Diasporan) Armenians to join Turkey so that we may “…wipe away the tears, push prejudice to one side, and reveal historic truths…in an objective manner.” Looking north across the Black Sea, Erdogan must be emboldened by President Vladimir Putin denying what the world was witnessing in real time—his occupation and annexation of Crimea from a sovereign neighboring state without fatal repercussions.

With all of his internal problems, the government of Prime Minister Erdogan is not about to collapse anytime soon. For us to believe that Turkey will implode for our benefit is an old saw that has been played since I was a youngster. Will it never end? Whether we like it or not, Turkey has assumed even greater strategic importance as the Southern Gas Corridor, as Western Europe seeks to shift its dependence on Russian oil and gas imports to the energy resources of the Caspian Sea Basin.

To bolster our belief that the political climate for recognition is improving, we conveniently overlook the possibility that the demonstrations for Hrant Dink (as well as the Taksim Square/Gezi Park demonstration that quickly spread to other major Turkish cities) may simply have served as the vehicle for urban and educated Turkish citizens to vent their frustration with the policies of Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP), rather than actively supporting recognition—notably, his shift from the policies of Ataturk, especially the shift from a secular society to one that places significantly greater emphasis on the ultraconservative values of the Islamic faith. This has placed increased restrictions on individual rights and the movement toward an open society. Given this legitimate concern of these citizens, we cannot gauge the depth of their sympathy for our cause until it runs up against their loyalty and love for Turkey. However, it is extremely gratifying that the Human Rights Association of Turkey has come out forcefully not only for recognition, but for indemnification. It is not surprising that boundary rectification was not mentioned.

Yet, to be fair in our assessment we cannot summarily discount the fact that there are Turkish citizens sincere in their protestations who cringe at the suffering that the genocide has wrought upon the Armenian people. These Turks may or may not be in the vanguard of a people who are tired and ashamed of the guilt their intransigent leaders have forced them to bear.

A factor we seem to overlook is the response of those sympathetic Turkish citizens once they realize that there is a difference between advocating the need for the nation to face its past and actually acknowledging its past. Acknowledgement is the moment when they must come to terms with the hideous crime of genocide carried out by their forebears. Recognition carries a heavy emotional, moral, psychological, and economic burden. There are significant groups within Turkey, at least a majority, that would never willingly accept recognition. The culturally conservative rural population would have the most to lose with recognition. They are settled on land that belongs to the victims of the genocide. Of the 77 percent of the population that is classified as urban, it is safe to say that a majority are or lean toward being culturally conservative as well. The military may have been weakened by Erdogan, but it still remains a powerful force in support of a secular state and against recognition. Then there are those who for various reasons would object to any accommodation with our legitimate demands.

Unfortunately there are any number of foreign leaders, including those who have supported recognition, who would eagerly accept any proffered recognition by Erdogan or his successors as being sufficient to put the genocide issue to rest forever. It is not a pleasant thought to consider. And solely for the sake of argument, should recognition be achieved, there is no guarantee whatsoever that indemnification and boundary rectification would follow. Can you name one nation, other than Russia possibly, that would vigorously support our legitimate claims against Turkey for either indemnification or boundary rectification?

One final comment. The spate of reports coming from Diyarbakir is uplifting. The rehabilitation of the Sourp Giragos Armenian Church was a singular event in what might be called a sort of rapprochement between Armenians and the Kurdish people of Diyarbakir. Much credit should go to the people of the city and their officials, Abdullah Demirbas and Osman Baydemir. However, does the rehabilitation of a long-neglected Armenian church serve to expiate the transgressions of their Kurdish ancestors who participated in the genocide? It reminds me of the practice by the powerful and wealthy during centuries past who would have a church built or perhaps rehabilitated or adorned as a way to ease their entry into the Kingdom of Heaven. Does this rapprochement include encouraging the progeny of those young Armenian women and children taken during the genocide to become acquainted with their Armenian roots?

We may not want to accept it, but these “lost” or Islamized Armenians, however diluted their blood may have become through the generations, are still our people. How we respond and develop this relationship has significant ramifications for Hai Tahd. This is not suggesting that we proselytize, but simply take the opportunity to develop a dialog, perhaps with the assistance of our recently contrite Kurdish friends. It is something for our leaders to actively expand upon.

It is interesting to note that at the recent commemoration of the genocide in Diyarbakir (reported in the Armenian press) the Kurdish speakers referred to the shared pain that Kurds and Armenians suffered. One would think that the purpose of the genocide was to eliminate both Armenians and Kurds; that Kurds had no role in what happened; or that they did not benefit from the wealth that was plundered. Kurds continue to suffer under the brutal yoke of Turkish oppression, but let them not deflect their participation in the genocide by implying that they were also victims.

We should keep in mind what Talleyrand, the foreign minister to Napoleon, once remarked: that nations do not have friends, they only have interests. It would be surprising if we had any friends (with the possible exception of Russia) who would vigorously support our quest for justice against Turkey. For nearly a century Turkish leaders have been determined not to accept responsibility for the genocide. Although our cause is just, that alone will not bring us victory. Aiding Turkey as an unyielding enemy of Hai Tahd is the passage of time. After nearly a century we have yet to develop and implement a comprehensive coordinated plan that vigorously attacks Turkey’s numerous vulnerabilities. Our efforts have been and continue to be sporadic, disconnected, and diffused. We face a formidable enemy. Unfortunately, we do not have forever to achieve our purpose.

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PROVIDENCE, R.I.—During the month of April, the Rhode Island (RI) branch of the Genocide Education Project participated in several events of significance. Co-chairs Pauline Getzoyan and Esther Kalajian were honored to be a part of the National History Day in Rhode Island, as well as in Armenian Youth Day, for the first time this year. They also presented the Genocide Educator of the Year Award 2014 at the Armenian Martyrs’ Memorial Committee of RI commemorative.

The students taking part in the presentation

National History Day in RI is presented annually by the Graduate Program in History at Providence College and the RI Social Studies Association. This year, Getzoyan and Kalajian were invited to participate as independent judges of those projects based on the subject of genocide. The theme of National History Day 2014 was “Rights and Responsibilities in History,” which lent itself to the study of genocide throughout history. After viewing 12 exhibits, documentaries, and websites based on the theme and subject of genocide, 2 clear winners emerged on judging day, April 5. As independent judges, Getzoyan and Kalajian voted to award two prizes, instead of the one originally planned: one for a junior division entry (middle school) and one for a senior division entry (high school). Both entries were extremely well done.

The junior division winner was Kristina Davtian, an eighth grade student at St. Peter School in Warwick, whose project was a website entitled, “Immigration: Rights and Responsibilities.” Davtian’s website clearly outlined immigration as it pertained to human rights violations and times of war, and included an entire section on the Armenian Genocide and how it impacted immigration to the United States. The senior division winner was Amanda Carberry, a ninth grade student at Narragansett High School in Narragansett. Carberry’s project was an outstanding documentary entitled, “Exterminate the Cockroaches: The Rwandan Genocide and the Responsibility to Protect.” On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the beginning of the Rwandan Genocide, Carberry’s project was both timely and effective. Getzoyan and Kalajian presented the winners with their awards, which included an autographed copy of Chris Bohjalian’s The Sandcastle Girls and $50 cash, at the award ceremony on Mon., April 7, at Winman Jr. High School in Warwick.

Pauline Getzoyan (L), looks on as award recipient Lisa DerManouelian expresses her appreciation to the organization and community for their support and recognition.

As the month progressed, Getzoyan and Kalajian were asked by the Armenian Martyrs’ Memorial Committee of RI to conduct a presentation with the young students at Armenian Youth Day on Tues., April 22 on the subject of genocide, primarily the meaning of the word “genocide.” Given the age span of 7-14, Getzoyan and Kalajian were faced with the dilemma of how to address this topic in an interesting and active fashion with all the students. Ultimately, the approach focused on the definition of genocide, as well as some of the stages of genocide and their relation not only to the students’ everyday experiences, but also the Armenian Genocide. Getzoyan and Kalajian discussed classification, the issue of identity, and the idea of “us vs. them.”

The students filled out identity charts with their names and interests, which they then shared with each other to understand the concept of how they may be viewed by others versus how they see themselves. This led to the second stage of genocide—symbolization—which included showing the students images of different symbols, such as sports logos, fraternity letters, and finally swastikas, the yellow Star of David, and gang graffiti. The students clearly understood the difference between the symbols and what they meant, especially since some of them had siblings who were in fraternities and some were wearing sports logos.

An activity that drove the point of the fifth stage of genocide—polarization—home to the students included randomly passing out blue and green paint chips. After passing out the chips, Getzoyan and Kalajian began a casual conversation about blue being their favorite color. They then had the students with the blue chips come up since they had the favorite color and had them all partake of a donut snack. After all the “blue” students took their snacks, the “green” students were asked how they felt about being excluded. This activity clearly demonstrated the feeling of polarization, which some of the students had experienced through bullying themselves. This led to a related discussion of bullying and how to react when being bullied or witnessing bullying. Of course, all the students were given the snacks at the end of this activity.

To conclude the presentation, Getzoyan and Kalajian introduced the final stage of genocide, denial, in relation to taking responsibility for one’s actions, and leading to being upstanders versus bystanders. The students were fully engaged in the presentation and happily posed for a picture with their teachers.

To conclude the month, the RI Branch of the Genocide Education Project once again presented the Genocide Educator of the Year Award during the commemorative program held on Sun., April 27, by the Armenian Martyrs’ Memorial Committee (AMMC) of RI at the monument at North Burial Ground in Providence. The award, which includes a framed certificate along with a $500 stipend, is made possible through the generosity of the AMMC and the Armenian National Committee (ANC) of RI. This year’s recipient was Lisa DerManouelian, a teacher of literature and religion at St. Peter School in Warwick. DerManouelian was selected for several reasons, the most important being her ability and motivation to include genocide education in her curriculum, even though she is not a social studies or history teacher. And she does this as a teacher at the middle school level with grades six through eight. In fact, DerManouelian is the first middle school teacher to receive this award since its inception seven years ago. According to Joan Sickinger, the principal of St. Peter School, DerManouelian is very technology-oriented and has brought many technological advances to the school. Along these lines, Sickinger shared that not only does DerManouelian freely share her knowledge of technology with both students and faculty, but two of her students were winners this year for their websites at the Rhode Island History Day event, and they will be travelling to the National History Day event in Washington, D.C.

Recently, Middle School students went to see “The Diary of Anne Frank”at Ocean State Theatre Company in Warwick, thus continuing their genocide education experience. As part of her curriculum this year, DerManouelian has incorporated the Armenian Genocide and is having her eighth grade students read and study The Road from Home by David Kherdian. DerManouelian is always eager to learn more about her subject areas and technology, and attends many workshops to this end. With that in mind, another reason for her selection is her efforts at spreading the word about genocide education and the Genocide Education Project RI Branch amongst her colleagues. It was through her introduction to the RI History Day coordinators that Kalajian and Getzoyan were able to participate and offer awards to the outstanding students. DerManouelian graciously accepted the award following Getzoyan’s introduction and presentation.

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Armeno-Turkish relations main conference theme

CAMBRIDGE, Mass.—After a two-year hiatus, the “Armenians and Progressive Politics” (APP) conference will reappear on September 26-27 in Greater Boston. This year’s theme will be Armeno-Turkish relations, including a number of panels covering Armenian Genocide denial, reparations, media, Turkish-Armenian exchanges, and Turkish civil society.

The opening plenary featuring a discussion between David Barsamian (R) of Alternative Radio and noted scholar and public intellectual Noam Chomsky. (Photo by Aaron Spagnolo)

The conference will consist of panels on Saturday, September 27, and an opening plenary on Friday evening, September 26, featuring a discussion between David Barsamian of Alternative Radio and noted scholar, activist, and public intellectual Noam Chomsky. All activities will take place at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), with the plenary to be held at MIT’s Kresge Auditorium.

As in past years, APP is being organized by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF). This year, the conference is co-sponsored by Alternative Radio, which is marking its 30th anniversary, and the MIT Armenian Society (MITAS).

Further details will be released soon.

The post Armenians and Progressive Politics Conference Set for Sept. 26-27 appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Special for the Armenian Weekly

Armenia’s political landscape saw quite a few developments in the weeks following the resignation of former Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan. The events that transpired served no other purpose than to reproduce the power of the ruling elite. However, a broader look at the state of affairs points to the increasing isolation of the ruling Republican Party.

Sargsyan’s resignation and the subsequent dissolution of the government came at a time of significant pressure by what has come to be known as the opposition quartet. The political parties placing themselves on the opposition spectrum—Prosperous Armenia, the Armenian National Congress, Heritage, and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation—had finally come together around a united agenda. With a collective number of 52 MPs in the 131-member National Assembly, the opposition had become a force to be reckoned with. The parties were preparing to organize mass protests in support of a vote of no confidence in the government on April 28. Given the general dissatisfaction with the authorities, it was highly likely that the four parties would have succeeded in mobilizing the public and increasing pressure on the authorities.

Of course, everything turned on its head with the April 3 resignation of the prime minister. The Republican Party averted a “face-off” with the opposition and has since sought to cement its power by ensuring that its representatives retain key posts within the new government. However, with ongoing cooperation between the quartet on the one hand, and the emergence of issue-based civic activism in Armenia on the other, the Republican Party has a challenging task ahead.

Finding common ground has not been an easy task for the opposition. There are still instances where the four parties are unable to come to an agreement. Perhaps the most recent example is the election of the National Assembly’s new speaker, Galust Sahakyan. While the ANC, Heritage, and ARF boycotted the vote, most Prosperous Armenia representatives cast their ballot in favor of the Republican candidate. A speaker for Prosperous Armenia said its members were allowed the right to vote as they chose because the four opposition parties were not able to formulate a common position.

Nonetheless, the opposition continues to cooperate in other areas. Last week, all four parties boycotted the parliamentary vote of confidence in the new government’s three-year plan. The vote was also boycotted by the Country of Law Party, which officially left the ruling coalition and declared itself an opposition. The plan was adopted by only 70 votes, just above the bare minimum necessary for a successful vote.

In a recent interview, the head of the ARF’s parliamentary faction, Armen Rustamyan, explained the dynamic within the opposition. The quartet, he said, is not a coalition. Rather, the parties cooperate around issues where they are able to find common ground; conversely, each is free to act as it sees fit if consensus cannot be reached.

The existence of the quartet, even in its current format, is not good news for the Republican Party. This has been evident on several occasions in recent months, including in the circumstances surrounding the resignation of Sargsyan. It would be naive to argue that these events were not put in motion to specifically abort the opposition’s expected vote of no confidence in the government and the planned mass protests.

It remains to be seen how the quartet will proceed and what actions it will take. However, it seems that now more than in previous years, the Republican Party has reason to worry when it comes to retaining power. When Republican Eduard Sharmazanov had the audacity to claim that his party will remain in power for the next decade, Prosperous Armenia leader Gagik Tsarukian was quick to respond. The people are ready to “rise up, take care of their votes, and change the situation,” said Tsarukian, adding that “victory in the elections, whether they are presidential or parliamentary, will bypass Melik-Adamian Street this time around.” (Melik-Adamyan Street is where the Republican Party’s headquarters are located.)

The coming together of the quartet aside, another phenomenon is emerging in Armenia: issue-based civic opposition. These are movements, actively driven by civic groups, that are channeling popular dissatisfaction with specific policies or issues that have strong resonance among the broader population. The protests against the public transport price hike last year and the “dem.am” initiative against the pension law reform are good examples of this phenomenon.

When Yerevan Mayor Daron Margaryan announced a 50 percent increase in bus fares last July, no one was prepared for the spontaneous rallies that followed. People boldly boycotted the fare change, volunteers used their cars to give free rides to commuters, young girls offered hugs to those who refused to pay the extra fee, even some bus drivers joined the movement. The public outrage subsequently led to a “suspension” of the decision.

The reaction was similar to a pension law reform introduced early this year. The law imposed compulsory pension contributions for people born after 1974 through a 5-10 percent payment from their gross salary into one of two private pension funds authorized by the government. What began as a protest movement mainly driven by the IT sector, quickly spread far and wide. Lawyers, economists, healthcare staff, teachers, artists, and workers from the electricity and rail networks, the Yerevan underground railway, and the Metsamor nuclear power station all joined the “dem.am” movement.

With the quartet also opposing the proposed reform, what ensued was a campaign of sustained public and political pressure. On April 2, the Constitutional Court ruled the pension law reform unconstitutional and gave the authorities a deadline of Sept. 30 to bring the law into conformity with the Constitution. This sparked fresh protests and in mid-May the government introduced an amendment to the law allowing employees to opt out of its mandatory component.

Overall, both these movements have been able to achieve relatively small, short-term wins that can have long-term impact.

These movements have the potential to be formational, particularly for those leading and organizing them. The young activists behind these movements are gaining valuable experience in self-organizing, advocacy, and in mobilizing other citizens to peacefully defend their rights. As such, these movements have the power to shape a future generation of political leaders.

Issue-based opposition of this type is also empowering the wider public. Ultimately, these movements are allowing for public influence on government decision-making in a way that is rarely available to the citizens of Armenia. The failed attempt to increase the public transport fare and the Constitutional Court’s ruling regarding the pension reform are rare instances whereby sustained public pressure has forced the authorities to amend or reverse a government decision.

At a time when elections are rigged, when there is no faith in the judiciary, when despair and disappointment are driving people out of the country, even the smallest wins can boost public morale and restore people’s faith in the power of their voice and the legitimacy of their rights. They can also play an important role in gradually breaking the chains of fear still evident among some sectors of the society and in regional areas.

Finally, these movements can have a snowball effect both in terms of the level of public mobilization and the outcomes they produce. Every successful action will encourage more people to join the next protest or boycott. Similarly, every successful outcome will pave the way for the next one.

Whether civic activism in Armenia will have the impact it can, remains to be seen. One thing is for sure, however. While the ruling power is preoccupied with reproducing itself, young activists are slowly changing the rules of the game.

The post Armenia’s Changing Political Landscape appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

It was the perfect marketing plan.

Gather some of the best chefs in and around the city of Boston. Add some music. Showcase some VIPs and play to the crowd.

Guests enjoy the offerings at a chef’s table during a benefit for Armenian Heritage Park. Rick Ishkanian, left, waits in line as Leon Semonian helps himself to a plate of Chef Ana Sortun’s chicken with sour cherry. (Leo Gobekian photo)

Some 350 revelers turned out May 21 at the Royal Sonesta Hotel, pooling close to $100,000 for Armenian Heritage Park—part of a $1.1 million endowment fund already intact for the perpetual care of the memorial at Rose Kennedy Greenway.

Another $900,000 remains to be collected, primarily through lead and major gifts before reaching the intended $2 million goal.

Of the $100,000 raised at Chef’s Night, credit Foundation President Jim Kalustian with his generous $40,000 contribution, complemented by another $10,000 from the Guzelian family in memory of Mihran and Makrouhi Guzelian. Harry and Katrina Glorikian ($5,000) were also generous in their support.

Much as the evening was about money and perpetuity, it was more the social extravaganza so intended. Had you walked into the room unsuspectingly, you may have done a double take at the crowd.

The cheapest ticket in the house was $250 and people subscribed to it for fear of being left out. They knew the merits behind it: a compelling memorial by Faneuil Hall that continues to attract national attention and has been a mecca for tourism.

During Boston’s Statehouse commemoration in April, a group of 30 students and instructors from Wilmington High School made the site its first stop on their tour, before launching a walk to Beacon Hill where they were being recognized for their Armenian Genocide awareness activities.

What was even more amazing about the Chef’s Night was the charity itself. A star-studded cast of 14 chefs turned out to put their finest culinary tools together, including several Armenians like Nathan Kibarian (Ritz-Carlton), Seta Dakessian (Seta’s Café), and Vicki Lee Boyajian (Vicki Lee’s), along with Ana Sortun (Oleana, Sofra, Sarma).

Seta Dakessian will be joined by her mom in opening Seta’s Cart at the Park. The two had their distinct following with a scrumptious lavash hatz with lule khorovats.

Jeffrey Fournier, chef/owner of Waban Kitchen, kept busy preparing lamb kibbe with parsley salad, inspired by his Armenian grandfather.

One dessert was a tribute to M. Sanzian, the Armenian-French chef who, on the occasion of the opening of the Parker House in 1856, created the Boston Crème Pie, now recognized as Massachusetts’ official dessert.

Thank you gifts were compliments of John Boyajian and Souren and Susan Etyemezian of Fastachi Nuts.

I enjoyed some losh, sipped a glass of Chablis from Edward Tutunjian Estate Wines, grabbed a coffee and dessert from Karnak Farms, courtesy of Mark Mooradian, and toe-tapped to the music of the John Baboian Trio, whose presence at these affairs has become second-nature.

So it took me a couple hours to buck the traffic from the New Hampshire border. This was like the oasis in the middle of a desert, once you got there. Those living within proximity had an easier time.

We in Merrimack Valley were accompanied by the venerable John Amboian and the Jeknavorians (Armen and Sossy) who continue to support this endeavor whole-heartedly. Their work in genocide commemorations also transcended into a rather prominent monument by Lowell City Hall last month.

Old friend Bob Lobel served as emcee, much like he did at Fenway Park last year. Bob’s tenure as a sportscaster and TV personality has become a valuable resource for this foundation. He was joined at the podium by Middlesex County Sheriff Peter Koutoujian and Rachel Kaprielian, secretary of labor and workforce development. Both individuals commended the fine turnout.

Though I didn’t catch up with Lobel this evening, I recall the conversation we had last time about the Armenians. He’s no stranger to the scene, having worked with several during his prominent career.

“It’s one of those untold stories of horror,” he said about the genocide. “At what level will people go to gain power? It continues today. To ignore it would be a travesty.”

Though this was no Kevin Costner “Field of Dreams” movie, build a stadium and they will come. Guests could be found converging in lines at the food tables, clicking wine glasses, and engaged in social interludes. It was a touch of Hollywood in Boston.

People you hadn’t seen in decades were tapping you on the shoulder. Good thing for name tags. If you needed an introduction, just ask Bob Semonian. He was touching all parameters as “The Improper Bostonian” personified.

The evening remained a tribute to unity and promotion, visibility, camaraderie, and fine cuisine.

The post Chef’s Night Cooks Up Storm for Heritage Park appeared first on Armenian Weekly.

Turkish Government Attacks Religious Freedom Measure

WASHINGTON—The U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs, under the leadership of Chairman Ed Royce (R-CA), is set to consider H.R. 4347, the Turkey Christian Churches Accountability Act, on Wednesday, June 18th at 10:00 am EST. Capitol Hill sources report that the Turkish Government is actively seeking to block adoption of this bipartisan religious freedom measure.

Introduced this March of this year by Chairman Royce along with the panel’s Ranking Democrat Eliot Engel (D-NY), H.R. 4347 would require that the U.S. Department of State formally report to Congress on an annual basis about the status of Turkey’s return of stolen Christian churches and properties in Turkey and occupied Cyprus. H.R. 4347 builds on a measure (H.Res.306), spearheaded by Chairman Royce and then House Foreign Affairs Committee Ranking Democrat Howard Berman (D-CA), which was overwhelmingly adopted by the House of Representatives on December 13, 2011. That resolution set the groundwork for H.R.4347 by calling upon the government of Turkey to honor its international obligations to return confiscated Christian church properties and to fully respect the rights of Christians to practice their faiths.

“We want to thank Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel for advancing this religious freedom legislation and look forward to the Committee’s consideration of a principled and practical American stand in support of the rights of Christians in present-day Turkey and occupied Cyprus to practice their faith in their own houses of worship,” said ANCA Chairman Ken Hachikian. “We are pleased to join with all believers in religious freedom – including of course our Cypriot, Greek, Pontian and Syriac brothers and sisters – in supporting this measure, and encourage all our friends to urge their legislators to support its timely passage by the Foreign Affairs Committee and the full House of Representatives.”

Prior to consideration of H.R. 4347, the Committee will be holding a hearing on “Protecting Christian Heritage in Turkey,” which will include testimony from Dr. Elizabeth H. Prodromou, Visiting Associate Professor of Conflict Resolution at the Tufts University Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy; and Mr. Khatchig Mouradian, Coordinator of Armenian Genocide Program at the Rutgers University Center for Genocide and Human Rights.

Both the hearing and consideration of H.R. 4347 will be webcast LIVE on the House Foreign Affairs Committee website at:

http://foreignaffairs.house.gov/hearing/hearing-protecting-christian-heritage-turkey

In a statement he issued upon the introduction of this religious freedom measure, Chairman Royce outlined the need for passage of H.R.4347: “This legislation holds Turkey accountable for its international obligations to protect and promote human rights, and it calls attention to Turkish leaders’ broken promises to return church properties to their rightful owners. Over decades, Christian church properties, particularly those belonging to the Armenian, Syriac, and Greek Orthodox communities have been either violently overtaken or illegally confiscated by Turkish authorities under various excuses. These churches under Turkish control have been looted, converted to mosques, storehouses, casinos, vandalized and often irreparably damaged,” stated Chairman Royce. “Vulnerable religious minorities deserve more than just piecemeal returns of their stolen religious properties. It is important that the United States continue to encourage Turkish leaders to uphold their commitments and return all remaining properties without further delay. This bill will make promoting religious freedom and tolerance in Turkey a U.S. diplomatic priority.”

Ranking Democrat Engel concurred, noting, “The Republic of Turkey, and indeed all nations, have a responsibility to protect, restore, and return religious properties which have been unlawfully seized from their communities and rightful owners by state authorities. Armenian, Syriac, and Greek Orthodox communities in Turkey have for many years been seeking the return of their confiscated properties. The claims of these communities must be respected and addressed in a comprehensive and timely manner. This legislation calls on the Republic of Turkey to meet its international obligations, and urges the United States to prioritize the return of unlawfully seized religious properties in order to begin to resolve the legitimate claims of these communities.”

H.R.4347 specifically requires the Secretary of State to “submit to the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report on the status and return of stolen, confiscated, or otherwise unreturned Christian churches, places of worship, and other properties in or from the Republic of Turkey and in the areas of northern Cyprus occupied by the Turkish military that shall contain the following:

(1) A comprehensive listing of all the Christian churches, places of worship, and other properties, such as monasteries, schools, hospitals, monuments, relics, holy sites, and other religious properties, including movable properties, such as artwork, manuscripts, vestments, vessels, and other artifacts, in or from Turkey and in the territories of the Republic of Cyprus under military occupation by Turkey that are claimed as stolen, confiscated, or otherwise wrongfully removed from the ownership of their rightful Christian church owners.

(2) Description of all engagement over the previous year on this issue by officials of the Department of State with representatives of the Republic of Turkey regarding the return to their rightful owners of all Christian churches, places of worship, and other properties, such as monasteries, schools, hospitals, monuments, relics, holy sites, and other religious properties, including movable properties, such as artwork, manuscripts, vestments, vessels, and other artifacts, both those located within Turkey’s borders and those under control of Turkish military forces in the occupied northern areas of Cyprus.”

The resolution goes on to urge that a summary of the report be included in the annual U.S. State Department Human Rights Report and International Religious Freedom Report.

An ANCA Call Alert in support of H.R.4347 is available at:

http://anca.org/action_alerts/action_disp.php?aaid=63252961

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