An interview with Sarah Leah Whitson

In early December, I conducted a telephone interview with Sarah Leah Whitson, the director of the Middle East and North Africa Division of Human Rights Watch (HRW), on the Syrian crisis. HRW monitors and highlights human rights abuses worldwide, and has been documenting the plight of refugees since the outbreak of violence in Syria in March 2011.

Sarah Leah Whitson

In this interview, Whitson talks about how the international community, and particularly neighboring countries where “the streets…are littered with child beggars,” are coping with the refugee crisis.

Whitson also discusses the plight of Syria’s minorities—including Armenians—whose very existence in the country is under threat. “We know that the Armenian community in Iraq was completely destroyed,” she said. “It’s not clear how much longer the Armenian community in Aleppo can withstand or can survive.”

The interview also covers the makeup of the opposition groups; the spillover into neighboring countries; the urgency of referring Syria’s case to the International Criminal Court (ICC); and HRW’s work in Syria.

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Nanore Barsoumian—In September, HRW reported that there are around 2 million Syrian refugees—an average of about 5,000 people leaving Syria daily—and over 4 million internally displaced people. There are also reports of severe food shortages. How are neighboring countries and international organizations coping with the refugee situation?

Sarah Leah Whitson—I think there are a couple of ways you can look at it. I think the first way we have to look at it, particularly from the perspective of Lebanon, most of all, but also Jordan and Turkey, and even Egypt, is that their governments have been tremendously hospitable and generous and accepting of many refugees—two million, as they have. Time and again, countries in this region are shouldering the burden of wars, and this is just the latest example of that. On the other hand, they are tremendously under-resourced. They don’t have the resources to provide for the health, housing, education, and employment needs of this refugee population—much less for psychological trauma and resettlement assistance. And while some money is coming in from UNHCR [United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees], it’s just not enough. You can see the streets of Beirut are littered with child beggars from Syria.

N.B.—A report by HRW stated how China and Russia have been reluctant in providing financial assistance to UNHCR for these efforts.

S.L.W.—That is true, but even the countries that are purported to support refugees have not paid up their full quota, their full share and their commitment to the UNHCR, which remains underfunded.

N.B.—What are we looking at in the long term with the refugee situation?

S.L.W.—It’s a disaster. This is one of the largest humanitarian refugee disasters of this decade. We don’t see it getting better. We don’t see the war in Syria wrapping up, and as long as the war doesn’t wrap up, as long as there continues to be fighting on the scale that we’ve seen so far this year, we expect the refugee flows to continue. What I do expect, however, is that the neighboring countries are going to make it harder and harder for refugees to enter their own countries. And we’re going to have more and more internally displaced people who can’t get out.

N.B.—What’s the situation like now for minorities in Syria? We’ve seen pictures of churches being burned, schools and schoolchildren being targeted, civilians executed and used as human shields. I know HRW reported on what recently happened in the regions of Sadad and Latakia.

S.L.W.—I think that one of the worst aspects of the Syrian civil war—and now it is clearly a civil war—is the extent to which it has taken on a sectarian dimension. Long ago [it stopped being] about democracy and freedom in Syria. Sadly it has been distorted into a sectarian conflict, primarily pinning Sunnis against Shias, Sunnis against Alawis inside Syria, but also against the minority communities in Syria, particularly the Christian and Armenian minorities, who because of their identification with the Assad government, have in some cases been targeted by opposition groups.

And they’ve been targeted by opposition groups—by extremist opposition groups, the jihadist opposition groups—because they are Christian and simply because they are minorities. It’s obviously a great tragedy for the Armenians in Syria, particularly in Aleppo, which has been one of the last Armenian holdouts in the Middle East. We know that the Armenian community in Iraq was completely destroyed. It’s not clear how much longer the Armenian community in Aleppo can withstand or can survive—not just because it’s caught up in the war in Syria but also because the Armenian community is finding itself targeted and the subject of kidnappings or robberies.

N.B.—Do you find that it’s important to highlight the minoritieswhitson separately in this conflict? How is their plight different than that of the majority of Syrians?

S.L.W.—Obviously, we at the Human Rights Watch will examine and document the abuses against any group in the country that is being particularly targeted. And so, for example, in Saudi Arabia, we focus on the targeting of the Shia community. In Iran, we focus on the targeting of the Sunni community. Wherever minorities are being targeted because of their minority status, because of their different religion, nationality, national origin, or ethnic origin, it’s something we highlight. The reality in Syria is that many minority groups are being targeted, and one of them is the Armenian minority group…because of the war situation, but also because of their status as Christian.

N.B.—Minorities also fear that the alternative to Assad could be a despotic or fervently Islamic government that would introduce policies restricting their freedoms, in terms of religious practices, education, lifestyle. These are real concerns that can’t be easily dismissed. Could you talk about this, about what the future could hold, and also about the groups that are fighting in the opposition?

S.L.W.—Certainly the Syrian opposition is now sadly dominated by extremist Islamist groups, who are completely intolerant of religious freedom, of basic rights, of free expression and free association, and so forth. Many minority groups that fear the domination of Islamist extremists in any future Syrian government are right to be extremely concerned about the impact that will have on their own status as minorities, on their own religious freedom, and cultural autonomy inside Syria.

I think they have sadly had a bad taste of what these Islamist extremist groups in Syria portend. In Aleppo and other opposition-held areas, we’re currently documenting how, for example, Islamist opposition groups are forcing women to veil, and putting restrictions on their freedom of movement. I think women have the greatest concerns about what Islamist extremist rule might look like.

That being said, I wouldn’t so easily categorize all of the opposition as Islamist extremist, and that the only choice is either Bashar al Assad and his criminal barbaric regime or Islamist extremists and their criminal barbaric practices. Certainly, the Syrian opposition still has a variety of elements in it. They might be weak, they might not have a lot of power, but it would be our hope that a future Syrian government will reflect the diversity of Syrian society and will protect the rights of all minorities. But I would avoid seeing it as an either-or.

N.B.—There have been reports about the many fighters from abroad. What are you seeing in Syria?

S.L.W.—Without a doubt there is a significant presence of foreign fighters inside Syria. There are countless videos and statements and information that make that clear. But I don’t think anybody really knows what percentage of the fighters in Syria are foreign fighters. The estimates I’ve seen put them at less than 10 percent. So while it’s extremely disturbing that people are fighting in Syria with agendas that have nothing to do with democracy and freedom in Syria, I think that the reality is that this remains an overwhelmingly Syrian war made up of Syrian fighters on all sides.

N.B.—In the beginning of the war, there were many Syrians involved who wanted democracy and who were fighting for democracy. At some point, that was all hijacked. What were your observations?

S.L.W.—That’s obviously true. I think it’s very hard to say that what we’re seeing in Syria now has to do with democracy and freedom. I think that sadly the war has evolved far, far beyond that. And what we now see is a civil war in the country that has pitted the Sunni population against the Alawi/Shia-affiliated government. It is as much about a Syrian civil war as it is a Sunni-Shia competition inside Syria—a competition between Saudis and Iran that’s being played out on the backs of Syrians, as well as a showdown between Russia and the United States also being played out on the backs of Syrians. Tragically, the ways in which intervention has happened in Syria (both intervention in support of the government and intervention against the government) has amplified those divisions and morphed it far away from what it was initially about.

N.B.—Do you see a threat of a spillover into neighboring countries, like Lebanon?

S.L.W.—The spillover is already happening: the fighting in Tripoli, Lebanon, over the past month; the continued attacks on Alawi businessmen in Syria; the recent bombing of the Iranian embassy in Beirut. This is all a spillover. The spillover is happening now, and Lebanon as a result right now is in an extremely volatile state. The Saudi government just a few weeks ago recalled all of its citizens from Lebanon, saying it’s too insecure for them there.

N.B.—Human Rights Watch has urged the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to strip the sides of the feeling of impunity. How effective can that step be in deterring the targeting of civilians?

S.L.W.—I think it can be quite powerful, because ultimately no military commander is going to make that decision to target civilians if he knows that he is going to be awaiting trial. I think the idea is that you create a disincentive for commanders to follow orders that are crimes against humanity. We’re not even talking about the hard cases, where it’s hard to tell; we’re talking about the easy cases, like dropping cluster bombs on civilian areas or launching cruise missiles on civilian areas… The breadth of criminal prosecution can be a powerful one. I don’t think that threat has come into play in any meaningful way because an ICC referral has not yet taken play, but I think the prospect of going the way of [Slobodan] Milosevic and going the way of [Sudan’s Omar al-] Bashir even as an international outlaw can have a very strong deterrent effect.

N.B.— How has Human Rights Watch’s approach to the conflict evolved over the past two years?

S.L.W.—Well, it evolved from being an investigation on the attacks on unarmed protesters—that is how the Syrian uprising started over two and a half years ago—to being a documentation about civil war, in which the government has committed unbelievable abuses, unbelievable crimes, against its civilian population, but which now also involves various opposition groups carrying out terrible abuses, as well.

The challenge in this situation, when we document abuses by both sides or all sides…is how that can be used as a cover, and I think the emphasis—what we have to remind everyone—is that the vast proportion of the crimes, of the violations of international humanitarian laws, are being committed by the Syrian government, a party that is most capable of avoiding these abuses. Whatever weapons the opposition has, whatever abuses the opposition is committing, the vast majority of those killed in Syria—the number that puts us over 100,000 today—falls clearly on the lap of the Syrian government.

N.B.—Could you talk a little about the weapons being used and where they’re coming from?

S.L.W.—Well, the weapons providers to the Syrian government are no secret; this is publicly available information. It includes Russia and it includes Iran. It also includes a few Eastern European governments as well. Those providing arms to the opposition groups are also not making a secret of the arms they’re providing, including Saudi Arabia and Qatar, as well as now, of course, the U.S. and France, with the U.K. providing non-lethal material support to the various oppositions.

N.B.—How does HRW get its information? Do you have people on the ground there?

S.L.W.—We have researchers who have been going in and out of Syria for the past two and a half years, both undercover and with government authorization on various trips.

N.B.—It has been reported that some of the pictures coming out of Syria have been manufactured, manipulated, and Photoshopped. Have you found that to be true?

S.L.W.—We don’t really focus on fraudulent evidence. We focus on real evidence—evidence that we gather ourselves from investigations on the ground. This involves not only talking to eyewitnesses and victims, but looking at physical evidence, such as the remnants of weapons that indicate that they’re incendiary weapons, that indicate that they’re cluster munitions, that indicate that they’re chemical weapons. For example, Human Rights Watch was able to document the Syrian government’s deployment of chemical weapons in two suburbs outside of Damascus by using satellite imagery to show the trajectory of the rockets with the chemical weapons…from government bases. We were able to gather evidence of the chemicals that were used through medical facilities, and on-the-ground samples that were made available. In certain cases we also use, look at, examine, and verify video evidence where it exists. Some video evidence is, I’m sure, liable to being manipulated and falsified, but…we have multiple means to verify its authenticity. And we never rely on the evidence of others. We always have our own evidence, our own direct evidence that we ourselves have gathered.

LONDON—The London Book Fair will be held from April 8-10, 2014, and will again include the Armenian Pavilion stand, organized with the support of the Armenian Embassy in London and the Armenian Community Council of the United Kingdom.

The London Book Fair will be held from April 8-10, 2014, and will again include the Armenian Pavilion stand

The Armenian Pavilion first participated in the London Book Fair in 2013, and featured a rich collection of books on art, history, literature, children’s themes, and religion. Publishers from both the Homeland and the Armenian Diaspora introduced their books alongside authors Rouben Galichian, Noune Sarkisian, and Nouritsa Matossian. The stand also featured a unique Facsimile copy (reprint) of the 16^th-century “Urbatagirk” by the first Armenian publisher, Hagop Meghapart, presented by the publishing house Edit Print.

The official opening of the Armenian Pavilion on the first day was attended by sponsors and honorable guests. The stand was very well attended by visitors to the fair who approached the stand with a spirit of excitement, inquiry, and curiosity (in part, perhaps, because of the offerings of Grand Candy Chocolates and Ararat Brandy, sponsored by both companies). It is due to this success that the community has decided to repeat the event in 2014, and has already secured the space in Hall 2 at the Earls Court Exhibition Centre in Central London.

What makes the idea of the book fair so unique is the presentation of publishers and authors from Armenia and the diaspora on the same stand—which perfectly fits the Armenians as a nation and dispersed people. Diasporan publishers and authors would normally have their books displayed on stands of their respective countries and/or publishing houses; however, by applying this formula, these very same publishers, while still listed under their respective flags, would display their books in the Armenian Pavilion, giving them more concentrated exposure and a wider variety of opportunities.

Prior to registering the Armenian Pavilion, for example, Lebanon showed only one exhibitor. Hamazkayin Publishing and the Catholicosate of Cilicia Printing House increased Lebanon’s listing to three in 2013, but both books were displayed at the Armenian Pavilion stand. This was also the case for U.S. and UK authors and publishers. Were it not for the Armenian Pavilion, Armenia, too, would not have been represented at the book fair.

Coincidently, the market focus of the London Book Fair 2013 was Turkey. Armenian participation did nevertheless take place, and books on the Armenian Genocide were on display. “Turkey in all its colors,” as branded by the fair, did not present authors from Turkey’s minority communities—namely Greek, Kurdish, and Armenian authors. Talks were held during the event on how minority literature, its publishing, and translation were hampered by Turkey’s state policy.

The London Book Fair was a powerful experience for all those who were involved in its organization, as well as for the exhibitors. It provided a solid platform for the publishers, agents, booksellers, and authors to establish links, long-term partnerships, and business connections. It was also an opportunity for Armenians to present their literary heritage and legacy to the UK and the world.

Exhibiting is free to qualifying participants, who will be asked to exhibit at a fair held by the UK-Armenian community immediately after the end of the London Book Fair. For more information, e-mail armenian.pavilion@gmail.com.

The Armenian Relief Society (ARS) of Eastern USA’s efforts over the past two years have been focused on Syria, where families are faced with political uncertainty amid social and financial instability, including the immediate need for food and shelter.

Members of the Armenian Relief Society worldwide responded to the ARS Central Executive Board’s urgent appeal for “tuitions to needy students” in an attempt to alleviate the financial burden on Syrian-Armenian families and to promote the continuity of the educational mission of the schools.

In November 2012, an endowment of $100,000 was distributed to 27 Syrian-Armenian schools in Aleppo, Damascus, Kesab, Latakia, Kamishli, and other areas. As Zepure E. Reisian, a member of the ARS Central Executive Board, explained in Asbarez, “The sums received by the Armenian schools will be allotted to the balance of needy students’ tuitions, as well as to supplying financial assistance to the needs of the schools themselves, while also relieving the financial burden on the parents.”

The ARS Eastern USA also joined the Fund for Syrian Armenian Relief/Pan Armenian Relief Committee, which was established in August 2012 under the initiative of His Eminence Archbishop Oshagan Choloyan, Prelate of the Armenian Apostolic Church of America. The committee includes sister organizations that have united to raise relief funds for our brothers and sisters in Syria.

The Eastern Region’s 32 ARS chapters have been busy leading fundraising events, banquets and luncheons, public forums, and mass mailing campaigns in their respective communities for the Syrian Armenian Relief Fund. Through these joint efforts, more than $300,000 has been transferred and is being used to deliver critical humanitarian aid to families in need. This includes distributing food, providing shelter, medical supplies, and health care where needed, and keeping schools and local organizations functioning wherever possible.

Support and sustenance have also come via many specific ARS programs, such as the “Bnag me Dak Djash” (“A Plate of Hot Meal”) program and the “Sponsor a Syrian-Armenian Family” program.

The meal program began in November 2012 on a once-a-week basis, but is now run three times a week, on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays. The meal program serves approximately 100 people and is run through the services center of the ARS in Syria. Each meal costs $3 per person.

The “Sponsor a Syrian-Armenian Family” program is currently supporting 20 families with young children at a cost of $1,200 a year per family. At the 93^rd Convention of the ARS Eastern Region in Philadelphia this past summer, delegates and chapters pledged $17,750 to the program in less than half an hour.

The “Warm Home” program was recently initiated by the ARS Central Executive Board in response to the continually worsening socio-economic circumstances of Armenians in Syria, particularly in Aleppo, and the challenges they face in heating their homes. Up to 600 families will be given $100 every 3 months to go towards heating fuel. The ARS Eastern USA donated $10,000 to the “Warm Home” program, which was made possible through its supporters and the unwavering commitment of the Eastern Region’s ARS chapters.

The ARS has been active in Syria since 1919, when the Armenian Red Cross was founded in Aleppo by a group of Syrian Armenians seeking to provide relief to survivors of the genocide. Over the years, it established hospitals, orphanages, elder care centers, and schools. Until recently, there were active chapters in Aleppo, Latakia, Kamishli, Karadouran, Damascus, and Derik. Since the outbreak of the war in Syria, both the orphanage and the elder care center have been attacked and have had to be evacuated. The chapters are attempting to remain as active as possible in spite of the conflict and instability in the region, which have only increased the need for their services.

Ani Attar, chairwoman of the ARS Eastern USA, stressed the importance and urgency of these relief efforts. “The ARS has and will always serve the humanitarian needs of the Armenian people,” she said. “Through an army of volunteers, who not only provide financial support but also donate their time and energy, we successfully promote the advancement of the Armenian people. Joining these hundreds of women are family members and friends who make up the extensive ARS family. We would like to extend our deepest appreciation to all of our benefactors and supporters. We are deeply grateful for their financial and moral support. Today, we urge them to continue their support this holiday season.”

Donations can be made online at www.arseastusa.org. Checks can also be mailed to: A.R.S. of Eastern United States

80 Bigelow Avenue
Suite 200
Watertown, MA 02472
U.S.A.

LONDON—Beginning in January 2014, a series of productions—including “Armania: A journey through Armenian folksong, dance and poetry”—will mark the inaugural season at the Sam Wanamaker Playhouse. Founded by the American actor and director, Sam Wanamake, Shakespeare’s Globe in London is a faithful reconstruction of the open-air playhouse built in 1599, where many of Shakespeare’s plays were first performed. January 2014 will see the opening of the Globe’s new indoor Jacobean theatre, the Wanamaker Playhouse.

The Dudukner Ensemble from Armenia

“Armania” will be performed in this groundbreaking theater on April 13-14, 2014, and will feature the Dudukner Ensemble and the Chilingiran Quartet. Below, the performance curator and director, Seta White, tells us how this opportunity came about.

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Some months ago Bill Barclay, music director at Shakespeare’s Globe, contacted me to come up with an idea to bring Armenian music to this Jacobean stage. I’d met Bill through his involvement in “Salon Mashup,” a production I had conceived and directed in the winter of 2013 for the Armenian Institute in London, an organization dedicated to making Armenian history and culture a living experience.

“Salon Mashup” had brought together more than 40 artists to collaborate on works around the themes of displacement and regeneration, focusing on the Armenian experience of loss and resettlement. Over 3 evenings, 13 performances took place in our labyrinth venue of basement tunnels at London’s Shoreditch Town Hall. One of these was an excerpt from “Deported / a dream play” by Boston-based playwright Joyce Van Dyke, and directed by Bill Barclay. The response to “Salon Mashup” was overwhelming, and performance evenings filled the venue to capacity.

Levon Chilingirian visiting the Sam Wanamaker Playhouse

Bill had also had contact with Armenians in the UK when the Globe brought Armenia’s Sundukyan National Academic Theatre to London to perform “King John” in May 2012 as part of the Globe to Globe World Shakespeare Festival. Bill wanted to tap into this energy and excitement for Armenian culture again.

The Sam Wanamaker Playhouse, named after its founder, was part of Wanamaker’s vision and extended beyond the now familiar and iconic “wooden-O”, the Globe itself. Some years after the original Globe had been built, Shakespeare’s acting troupe also leased a smaller indoor playhouse that served as their winter house. So Wanamaker incorporated an indoor Jacobean theatre into his blueprint of the theatre complex. When Shakespeare’s Globe opened in 1997, the indoor theatre was left as a shell. Now, 17 years later, it will at last fulfill its purpose.

The Playhouse is based on a set of drawings discovered in the late 1960’s in Worcester College, Oxford. Dated 1660, they are the earliest known and most comprehensive designs for an indoor Jacobean theatre in existence. They have been attributed to the English architect and scholar, John Webb, protégé of the renowned architect Indigo Jones.

Candlelit and timber-framed, the theatre has pit seating and a musicians’ gallery above the stage. This beautiful interior will be the setting for plays, operas, and concerts. Being an indoor theatre, it will also enable productions to play at the Globe throughout the year.

“Armania,” playing in April, will celebrate the work of great Armenian poets and composers from medieval times to the present day. My vision is to ground Armenian music and performance in the genre of Jacobean theatre and, through the poetry, explore the powerful influence of Shakespeare in Armenian literature.

Instruments have been chosen to reflect the Jacobean period, and costume, poetry, and song will all play an important part in delivering this style of theatre. Musicians and artists from both the UK and Armenia will be brought together to collaborate for the concert. The Dudukner Ensemble, including some members that played with “King John,” will be joining us from Armenia.

Levon Chilingirian, a violinist and the founder of the Chilingiran Quartet, is Armania’s music director and has put together a rich and varied repertoire. Levon himself will be playing, alongside prize-winning cellist Alexander Chaushian, harpist and singer Cevanne Horrocks-Hopayian (who is currently composer in residence at Handel House), and soprano Tereza Gevorgyan (the acclaimed star of the recent London Armenian Opera’s production of “Anoush”).

Over the last few years in my work, I have focused very much on exploring Armenian arts and culture on a professional platform in the UK and abroad. This began with a project where I undertook research and development in Armenia to bring into contemporary theater the well-known Armenian play “Namus” by Alexander Shirvanzade. I directed the first UK performance of “Anoush” with London Armenian Opera, and am currently directing the Armenian comic opera, “Garineh.” I am also working on an exciting project with the British Council Armenia and Candoco Dance Company to establish Armenia’s first inclusive (disabled and non-disabled) dance company.

I am, therefore, truly delighted to have this platform to bring Armenian music and culture to Shakespeare’s Globe, and thrilled that it will be a part of this wonderful season in this incredible new theatre.

“Armania: A journey through Armenian folksong, dance, and poetry” will be on at the Sam Wanamaker Playhouse, in association with the Armenian Institute, on April 13 and 14, 2014. To book, visit www.shakespearesglobe.com/theatre/whats-on/sam-wanamaker-playhouse/armania. To learn more about the Armenian Institute, visit www.armenianinstitute.org.uk.

They finally locked him up. It was only a matter of time, really. And frankly, I’m surprised it took them this long. The Turkish-Armenian journalist and entrepreneur Sevan Nisanyan could not accept his place in Turkish society.  And a “good” Armenian ought to know better than that. Somehow, Nisanyan always made headlines—from television talk shows to controversial blog posts. He’s been practically swimming in some two-dozen court cases—but Nisanyan is built differently than many of us. In fact, he actually enjoys making waves. You might say he was born in the wrong country, but if you were to ask him, he’d tell you—as he once told me—“I feel perfectly at home in a country where most people would rather see me go. A paradox? I don’t think so. I like the precariousness of my situation. I think I contribute a lot to the society I live in.” 

Clutching a pillow in one hand, and two duffle bags in the other, he walked in to prison on Jan. 2.

Two years, that’s how long Nisanyan will spend in a Turkish prison—an early Christmas present from the Turkish courts. Clutching a pillow in one hand, and two duffle bags in the other, he walked in to prison on Jan. 2. This was the punishment dished out from one of a long list of court cases piled against him that could amount to over 50 years in jail.

This time, they said, the 57-year-old Nisanyan had gone too far building a cottage without a permit on his property in the village of Sirince in Izmir, a tourist destination he’s credited with reviving through his rustic hotel business. A cottage without a permit, in a land of illegal constructions, in a country where the President sits in a mansion confiscated from its Armenian subjects. Chew on that, Armenian!

This is a country where laws work for rulers—laws that were crafted to weed out the other, to sanction looting, gagging, chaining, and even killing.

Even at the prison gates, Nisanyan was still defiant. Still controversial. Still hopeful. “Unfortunately, Turkey is being governed by people who have no horizons, no vision, no quality; by small minded people [‘dwarves’ in literal translation],” he said to reporters gathered there. “It is a pity for this country. All of us, all of you, deserve better. We hope that one day, people with vision, people who can tell the good from the bad, will also be able to govern.”

As to his hotel-houses in Sirince, Nisanyan donated them to the Nesin Foundation in 2011. The foundation, located in Sirince, brings educational opportunities to children from financially handicapped families.

Despite the numerous court cases that at times saw him appearing before a judge as often as twice a week, Nisanyan managed to publish his research on the old and new names of places in Turkey, as well as an online toponymic index. This, in addition to his bestselling guidebook to small hotels in Turkey.

Just over a year ago, Nisanyan, a graduate of Yale and Columbia, angered thousands through a blog post defending freedom of speech. It was a response to proposed “hate crime” bills following the release of “The Innocence of Muslims,” a film denigrating the Prophet Muhammad.

“Mocking an Arab leader who centuries ago claimed to have contacted God and made political, financial, and sexual benefits out of this is not a crime of hatred. It is an almost kindergarten-level case of what we call freedom of expression,” Nisanyan wrote in his post.

A few months later, an Istanbul court found Nisanyan—a recipient of the 2004 Freedom of Thought Award by the Human Rights Association of Turkey—guilty and sentenced him to over 13 months in jail. His crime? “Publicly insulting the religious values of part of the population.”

When I asked him about it a few days later, his response was, “I don’t believe anyone has ever been prosecuted in Turkey for advocating the murder, mayhem, or massacre of Armenians, Jews, Kurds, atheists, gays, or liberals. Thousands, on the other hand, were prosecuted and convicted in the past for ‘insulting Turkishness’ under the notorious Article 301 of the penal code. Now, ‘insulting Islam’ seems to be replacing that old juggernaut as a favorite instrument to hit dissidents with.”

In 2010, Nisanyan’s comments about the Armenian Genocide aired during a Turkish television debate program resulted in the punishment of the TV station. Turkey’s Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTUK) declared that Nisanyan’s comments “humiliated the Republic of Turkey.”

Turkey’s human rights record—especially when it comes to journalists—is dismal. In 2012, Reporters Without Borders dubbed Turkey “The World’s Biggest Prison for Journalists.” In fact, the country is the leading jailer of journalists—ahead of China and Iran.

Nisanyan’s imprisonment further confirms what he has been communicating all along: “There is instinctive hostility toward an Armenian. It turns rabid when that Armenian is also an outspoken critic of the Turkish system.”

At the doorstep of the Armenian Genocide centennial, Nisanyan’s imprisonment is but a chapter in the fate of Turkey’s Armenians. “I believe this is a test case for the Erdogan government’s willingness to improve minority rights in Turkey,” he had told me in 2010, when a Turkish court ordered the demolition of his houses. “I believe it is also a test case that will show if Armenians can go on living freely and securely in this country, or whether the old system of state thuggery will go on unchanged.”

Ultimately, when a restless maverick like Nisanyan goes to jail, the whole of society suffers. It leaves Turkey with one less dissenting voice; one less dreamer capable of hoping for a democratic Turkey; and one more nail that binds modern Turkey to its xenophobic legacy.

Special to the Armenian Weekly

Ever since the 1994 ceasefire brought a semblance of peace to Artsakh, its people have made great strides in democratic self-governance and in rebuilding and improving the economic and social infrastructure wantonly destroyed by Azerbaijan during the Karabagh War. During these difficult years the people have maintained a collective esprit and energy that confounds the Azeri leadership.

Ever since the 1994 ceasefire brought a semblance of peace to Artsakh, its people have made great strides in democratic self-governance and in rebuilding and improving the economic and social infrastructure wantonly destroyed by Azerbaijan during the Karabagh War. (Photo by Arevik Danielian)

The ultimate concern, whether we live in Artsakh or beyond, is the future viability of this historic Armenian land liberated through the heroic efforts of its people. There are several questions that must be affirmatively answered: Would Artsakh (and Armenia) be able to withstand renewed hostilities by Azerbaijan? Can Artsakh’s interests be protected through negotiations? Does Artsakh have the resources to develop a robust economy, not only for its present population, but as a future frontier beckoning Diasporan Armenians wishing to return home?

Confronting renewed hostilities

Any number of reasons would—or should—deter Azerbaijan from renewing hostilities; if they did not exist, President Ilham Aliyev would have already exercised his oft-threatened military option. Yet, there is always the possibility that internal pressures or his outsized ego could override prudent judgment. This analysis will only consider the military strategy that Azerbaijan is likely to adopt if it were to resume hostilities, and the difficulties that a tactical implementation of that strategy would involve. Given these apparent difficulties, one might question why the strategy would even be considered. It is based primarily on the reality that the international community, and especially the neighboring countries, would not tolerate a protracted war. This reality requires a strategy that would (1) seek to occupy strategic objectives within a window of opportunity of from 12-15 days; (2) seek to breach the heavily fortified frontier, preferably at both Agdam and Fizuli, within the first 48-72 hours; (3) engage the defenders along the entire front (the Northern, Central, and Southern Sectors); and (4) require the deployment of all 3 army corps, or significant elements thereof, currently positioned along the Armenian-Artsakh border from Georgia to Iran.

Presently Azerbaijan has five army corps in the field. The first Army Corps is concentrated in the vicinity of Ganja. It is responsible for the Northern Sector and the Armenian frontier. The third is stationed in the vicinity of Barda (Central Sector), and the second in the vicinity of Agdzhabedi/ Beylagan (Southern Sector). The second also has responsibility for the Iranian frontier. The fourth Army Corps is stationed in the capital district of Baku, and the fifth is deployed in Nakhitchevan.

Yusif Agayev, an Azeri military expert who fought in the Karabagh War, doesn’t believe “…the society of my country is ready for war. I think it would be a month or two. That is the amount of time the armed forces could fight for. If it drags on longer, then it will be a war that society will have to participate in, not just the army.” It is not likely that Azerbaijan will have the month or two that Agayev suggests. A window of opportunity of about 12-15 days would be more likely. That is why the first 48-72 hours is so critical. Within minutes of the first shot being fired there would be an international demand for a ceasefire led by Russia, Iran, Georgia, and possibly Turkey supported by Western Europe and the United States (covertly backed by international oil interests). Given the observable signs of an Azeri offensive build-up, these nations would not wait for the first shot to be fired before diplomatic pressure is applied. Although the conflict occupies a limited geographic area, its ramifications—the ‘unintended consequences’—could easily destabilize the entire region. Russia, Iran, Georgia, and Turkey each have ethnic minorities with long-standing socio-economic and political grievances who seek either independence or effective local autonomy. This conflict could be the spark that ignites this historic geographic tinderbox.

Since Azerbaijan realizes a protracted war is not viable, the strategy is to engage the Armenian defenders along the entire frontier. This can only be accomplished by simultaneously committing elements of the three army corps responsible for monitoring the Artsakh border. Given this strategy, the obvious objectives would be Agdam and Fizuli. To support these two major offensives, units of the second and third corps would engage the Armenian defenders in such tactical movements as holding actions to deny the redeployment of Armenian units to critical sectors of the front; diversionary maneuvers that seek to mislead or confuse the defenders; and diversionary attacks that would seek to relieve the pressure on the main forces attacking Agdam and Fizuli.

Diversionary attacks from Tartar toward Mardakert would relieve the pressure on the Agdam forces as well as protect their northern or right flank. At the same time a diversionary attack toward Martuni by elements of the second Army Corps would assist the main force attacking Fizuli and protect their eastern or right flank. The first Army Corps at Ganja would most likely engage in diversionary maneuvers and hold actions along the mountainous Northern Sector. Depending on the resistance encountered, the Azeris could commit elements of the first to a full-scale diversionary attack from Shahumian toward Mardakert.

The former United States ambassador to Azerbaijan, Matthew Bryza, has suggested that “the Azeris can’t retake Artsakh now. They are militarily incapable of doing it.” He further suggested that he “…didn’t think they could dislodge the Armenian forces from the high ground. Wayne Merry, a Senior Fellow at the American Foreign Policy Council, agrees, saying that “a key factor is the topography, the extent to which Nagorno-Karabagh has created defenses in depth. Progress would come at a high cost.”

In addition to controlling the high ground, the Armenian defenders have had nearly 20 years to develop fortifications in depth, as well as construct obstacles that would impede and channel men and mechanized equipment into prepared fields of fire. To achieve the quick breakthrough required, the Azeris would seek to overwhelm the defenders by deploying a numerically superior concentration of infantry and mechanized units. Against heavily fortified positions a disproportionate ratio of perhaps four to five Azeri casualties to one Armenian casualty could be expected. These excessive battlefield losses would have a demoralizing impact on the Azeri units, keeping in mind that possibly 7 out of 10 men are either 12- or 18-month conscripts in addition to reservists who might be called-up to augment the professional army. Loss of morale would have a debilitating impact on unit effectiveness, which would contribute to an increased casualty count. Every tactical plan is dependent on an integrated hierarchy of units from squad, platoon, on up, with each unit supporting the mission of the next higher command, which could be a reinforced company or a brigade. All units involved must operate as one cohesive force with one overriding objective to have any chance of success.

Engaging the Armenians along the entire front is sound strategy given the realities of the situation, but it is also a catch-22 situation. A phased deployment of units would favor the defenders, while committing significant elements of its three army corps simultaneously in a tactical bid to overwhelm them before an expected ceasefire can be enforced is no guarantee of success, and would most likely result in unacceptable losses in men and equipment. It is highly unlikely that the civilian population (if aware of the losses) or the field commanders (senior officers) who must follow orders would tolerate such losses.

The prize Azeri objective would be Agdam. To the east of Agdam is the Kura River floodplain, part of which is below sea level (the Kura River empties into the Caspian Sea, which is about 90 feet below sea level). From this floodplain the elevation rises westward in a step-like fashion to the high plains just west of Agdam (which is about 1,200 feet above sea level) that give way to the hillier terrain toward Stepanakert. If Agdam is occupied, it would allow the Azeri forces to spill out onto this plain, thereby facilitating the increased deployment of mechanized equipment such as tanks, armored troop carriers, self-propelled artillery, and rocket launchers for a final push toward Stepanakert and Shushi, with a smaller force moving south to join the attack on Martuni.

To the south, a second major offensive would be underway toward Fizuli. A diversionary attack on Martuni would seek to ease the pressure on the Fizuli force as well as protect its eastern or right flank. Holding actions at Hadrut would protect the western or left flank of the Fizuli force. If Fizuli were to be occupied, the main force would most likely split with the larger force wheeling eastward toward Martuni. Should this happen, the Martuni defenders would face a three-pronged enveloping maneuver that would either force them to fall back or be cut off from the main Armenian forces (assuming the Azeri offensive could succeed).

The second smaller force would augment the Azeri units engaged at Hadrut. If Martuni were occupied, the combined Azeri forces would then move toward Shushi/Stepanakert from the southeast to support the Agdam forces attacking from the northeast. The Azeri Hadrut units would be given the mission to protect the western or left flank of this final thrust toward Artsakh’s core area.

While this might be the essence of the Azeri strategy, its success is far from assured; the deterrents are many. First and foremost, this analysis does not consider the defensive and offensive capabilities of the Armenian forces, who have played out the various strategies the Azeris might adopt. An instant problem for the Azeris is the recognition by unbiased observers that the Armenian military force is much better prepared. Also it is unlikely that the Azeri soldier has the emotional and psychological stamina or determination of the Armenian soldier, who is prepared to fight for his family, his land, his children’s future, and for his right to live as an Armenian. What reasons would the Azeri soldier have to sacrifice his life in a war he might neither accept nor understand?

It is the expected immediate international call for a ceasefire that would require Azerbaijan’s massive deployment of men and equipment in a military gamble that seeks to overwhelm the defenders and breach their fortifications. It is this tactical decision that could result in extremely high battlefield losses against a determined, entrenched defensive force. It is not possible for Azerbaijan to gain any advantage from a surprise attack because the intelligence gathering technology available to the Armenian military allows for the real-time gathering of information. This intelligence effort is likely aided by Russian input and, during a conflict, possibly by covert Iranian input.

Every strategic target within Azerbaijan is within the effective retaliatory capability of the Armenian defenders. Pre-selected targets would be engaged immediately, some of which may have a devastating impact on Azerbaijan’s war effort. So much emphasis has been placed on the publicized expansion of its army that it is accepted as doctrine that numerical superiority in men, which is not the same as the principle of force concentration (achieving numerical superiority at a given time at a given place), is the key element on the battlefield. It is not! The Armenian defenders have the ability to achieve force concentration to gain a tactical advantage at any sector of the front based on their shorter interior lines of communication that facilitate the rapid deployment of troops and equipment. In addition, a defending force occupying heavily fortified positions may have a ratio of three- or four- to one advantage over the attacking forces: The Azeri staging areas where units are readied for movement to the front; their approaches to the line of contact; as well as their supply and resupply routes, are all vulnerable to effective Armenian counter-measures.

Adding to the deterrents is the sophisticated level of planning, coordination, and execution required and the real-time evaluation and response to evolving situations at the fronts that may require immediate tactical changes; the augmentation or redeployment of units; resupply; and the evacuation of battlefield casualties. It is highly problematic if the Azeri military command has this capability at the level required. Some of the officers and a smaller number of non-commissioned officers (NCO) may be veterans of the Karabagh War. Assuming the publicized expansion of the army is accurate, most of the junior officers (captain and below) who fill the majority of the combat slots in any unit, as well as the NCO’s, may well be the weak link in the Azeri command structure in terms of training, leadership, and indoctrination. A resumption of hostilities is not likely to provide President Aliyev the solution he seeks.

Can negotiations protect Artsakh’s interests?

The principles advanced by the Minsk Group (represented by Russia, France, and the United States) to guide the negotiations, no matter how nuanced they have been over time, continually stress (1) the inviolability of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and (2) that when and how Artsakh’s final status is determined, it will be no better than limited autonomy under Azerbaijan’s jurisdiction. This raises an important question: If Artsakh had the legal right to declare its independence under the principles of remedial cessation or self-determination, or under the laws of the soviet constitution, the negotiators, including the Artsakh representatives, should be discussing the timing of Artsakh’s recognition; indemnification for displaced people/refugees (both Armenian and Azeri); its final boundaries; and the status of Shahumian, and the occupied border areas of Mardakert and Martuni. It may be difficult to accept, but some adjustments in the area to be included in Artsakh may have to be considered. An offer giving Azeris married to Armenians (possibly including their extended families) the right of return to Artsakh might also be considered.

Azerbaijan continues to claim that its territorial integrity is being violated by Armenia. This is a specious argument ostensibly supported by the Minsk Group. Azerbaijan is purposely misinterpreting Principle 4 under Chapter 2, Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations, which prevents a state from threatening the territorial integrity of a neighboring state. It is the Artsakh Armenians who threatened the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan by having legally declared their independence. However, Principle 4 does not apply to Artsakh. Armenia’s intervention was limited to providing humanitarian and military assistance to protect a beleaguered population from the indiscriminate use of military force by the Azeris. The present Armenian presence in Artsakh represents a stabilizing influence that facilitates the recovery effort and a preventive measure against a renewal of hostilities.

Economic development

Artsakh’s natural resource base is more than adequate to support at least 10 times its present population of approximately 140,000. However, several interrelated factors—a reverse domino effect—represent serious obstacles that must be addressed before a robust economy can develop. The most obvious are (1) Artsakh’s tenuous political status, which (2) inhibits foreign investment, which (3) discourages in-migration.

Tenuous political status

Artsakh declared its independence in 1991 and has, since the 1994 ceasefire, met all of the “unofficial” requirements for de jure recognition. (Unfortunately, recognition is a highly subjective political decision.) Until recognition is granted, it is vital that Artsakh continue to invite foreign government leaders, as it did recently with Uruguayan parliamentarians. While recognition will not come solely or immediately from these visits, they will lay the groundwork as well as the perception that recognition is highly likely to occur. It is an important first step (which Stepanakert already recognizes) if investment is to be encouraged. Dependence on the level of aid presently received is not adequate to stimulate a robust economy that can independently sustain Artsakh. However, this aid has made significant improvements in basic infrastructure that has improved the quality of life for the people—the foundation upon which Artsakh’s future will be built.

To facilitate this process Artsakh must continue to expand its public relations effort through the various political, humanitarian, and philanthropic organizations that are already committed to its cause. Without getting into the political aspects of the Artsakh issue, its long-term viability should represent the most significant issue on the Armenian national agenda. The more the Armenian Diaspora know about Artsakh—its achievements and potential—the greater its response to aid in Artsakh’s development.

Measured population increase

Increasing the population should go hand-in-hand with economic development. However what is required and doable is a measured increase in population as a means to meet political and economic needs. Politically it is difficult to claim “empty” lands however justified that claim may be when the lands are not reasonably integrated with the core area. We should have learned from the Turkish inspired genocide that emptied historic western Armenia of our people to weaken if not eliminate potential territorial claims by Armenia. A program of selective immigration would seek to meet the political and economic objectives identified by a government master plan for strategic resettlement. (See “The Strategic Resettlement of Artsakh,” The Armenian Weekly, February 19, 2011) Stepanakert must be prepared to effectively assist these newcomers to Artsakh. It cannot be expected that these 21st century Armenians are pioneers able or willing to “tame” the wilderness. That type of settlement program is a prescription for disaster.

As Stepanakert increases its connections with various organizations and institutions beyond its borders; as it cultivates relations with foreign governments; and as the world community (including our Diaspora) are given reasons to support Artsakh, an aura of inevitability with respect to recognition will encourage greater interest from foreign investors, including Armenians. Although Artsakh has already benefited from visionary diasporan entrepreneurs, de jure recognition is essential to open the floodgate for foreign investment

Renewable energy sources

Present available data for Nagorno-Karabagh indicate a significant potential for the development of renewable energy. This is important given the absence of carboniferous energy resources. Several sites in the vicinity of Jermajur and Vaghuhas in the north and in the Stepanakert-Shushi region have been identified as “most appropriate” for constructing wind turbines to generate electric power. Other secondary sites exist, as well as sites in Kashatagh that have yet to be fully evaluated.

The region receives an average of about 23 inches of precipitation annually which is sufficient for agriculture supplemented by irrigation if or when necessary. Precipitation generally increases from the south/southeast toward the higher elevations to the north/northwest. In the Kashatagh Region precipitation increases north toward the Eastern Sevan/Mrav Mountains. Surface flow and the many deep narrow valleys provide sites that may be used to construct dams for water storage, hydroelectric generation and irrigation as well as preventing floods from the annual Spring snow melt from the higher elevations that dominate the north and northwestern portions of Artsakh. The average precipitation would suggest a greater proportion of days with less than one/quarter of the sky covered by clouds. This would result in more hours of daily sunlight which would facilitate the development of solar power. Renewable energy would be a boon for the remote villages which could draw upon locally produced energy. In addition Artsakh’s balance of payments situation would benefit by eliminating or reducing payments for energy imports.

Potential sectors of the economy

Artsakh’s farmers should be able to produce a wide variety of field and tree crops (including viti culture). Some specialized products would include processed and comb honey, a variety of berries, nuts, and fresh-cut flowers. Natural and upgraded pastures could support commercial dairy farming including poultry and egg production, cattle and sheep rearing and hog raising. In addition, the by-products associated with each animal are able to support a variety of economic activities. A recent trade report cited the shortage of pork production in China (a potential market). Given present technology, a hog carcass in Artsakh can be deboned and cut-up to reduce its weight and bulk, flash frozen, vacuumed sealed in ‘cryovac’ and boxed to be economically air lifted to a foreign market. Historically the region was home to the Karabagh horse. No reason why rearing horses could not be reintroduced on a much larger scale.

Given the emphasis on the agricultural sector the processing industry could be an important source for exports. In North America there are significant nodes of Armenian population–Boston, New York, Philadelphia, DC, Los Angeles, Montreal, and Toronto–that could be developed as markets for some of Artsakh’s products including wine, vodka, brandy, bottled water and beer. This would require appropriate advertising and maintaining trade representatives possibly in New York and Los Angeles. These markets could also serve as conduits to introduce Artsakh’s products to a wider geographic area and a larger population. If the Stepanakert International Airport could become operational, it would be a significant political and economic triumph that would give Artsakh the potential for direct links to the world. Is it no wonder that Azerbaijan is so vehement in its opposition.

Artsakh’s forests could support an important domestic construction materials industry which would include such products as dimension lumber and timbers, composition board, specialty wood products, and roofing materials as well as furniture manufacturing. This could be augmented by quarrying for building stone, sand and gravel, limestone for cement, and the manufacturing of ceramics and glass. Given its resource base and an educated workforce, Artsakh has many options to pursue in developing a viable economy including an expansion of its incipient information technology industry.

Finally, Artsakh’s history, its ancient structures, archeological sites, breath-taking scenery, and mineral springs are ideal for tourism. Not to be overlooked are the gracious, friendly people and the cuisine. Tourism is a means for visitors, diasporan Armenians included, to become acquainted with the people and their country. Tourism is a catalyst that generates the need for better roads, transport facilities, lodgings, publications, a multitude of support services, a wide range of goods to meet the needs of the tourists, and most importantly, occupational opportunities. Although tourism does not generate high paying jobs, it does provide valuable experiences for first time employees to learn various skills as a way to move up the employment ladder. It is also a means to improve the balance of payments situation.

Several years ago I wrote an article entitled, “Artsakh: The Key to Armenia’s Political and Economic Future” (The Armenian Weekly, January 2010 Special Magazine Issue). Three years later I am even more bullish on Artsakh’s prospects after having witnessed the tremendous progress its people have made. Artsakh is a land of unlimited opportunity that can and will become our nation’s future frontier beckoning Armenians to return home to participate in rebuilding an ancient land that has been reborn.

SAN DIEGO, Calif.—During the six years it took to create her new cookbook, titled Armenian Vegan, Dikranouhi Kirazian insisted on telling no one about her project.

During the six years it took to create her new cookbook, titled Armenian Vegan, Dikranouhi Kirazian insisted on telling no one about her project.

“I wanted it to be a surprise,” she said. And it was. When she finally revealed and released the book in December, family and friends alike were so excited to hear of the book that they have started cooking out of it and buying it for friends, Armenian and non-Armenian alike.

But Kirazian’s desire to write the book was to leave a legacy—to honor her mother, grandmother, and aunts who taught her so much about authentic Armenian cooking, and also to help future generations keep the heritage alive.

“It’s for my children and grandchildren, nieces and nephews, so that they will always remember,” she said.

With the help of her husband George, an author and editor, Dikranouhi meticulously prepared and wrote more than 200 pure vegan recipes using no animal products, taking pictures along the way.

The recipes include appetizers, entrees, salads, soups, desserts, breakfast items, pickles, sauces, and drinks. Vegan versions of favorite Armenian recipes like yalanchi, mante, lamajoun, pilaf, stuffed vegetables, paklava, hummus, eech, and many others are included, alongside many completely new recipes.

“Our Armenian food is very healthy. A lot of it is already vegan, but I created my own dishes as well,” she says.

Kirazian points out that for those who cannot quite make the leap to vegan eating, most all of the recipes can be made with meat if desired.

Armenian Vegan is published and available on CreateSpace at www.createspace.com/4554831 and on Amazon at http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1494365189/ref=as_li_qf_sp_asin_il_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=9325&creativeASIN=1494365189&linkCode=as2&tag=hairenik-20. It is also on Facebook at www.facebook.com/ArmenianVeganCookbook. The Twitter handle is @ArmenianVegan. For more information, visit www.armenianvegan.com.

Special to the Armenian Weekly

Christmas time for an Armenian family tends to be one of the biggest events of the year, with non-stop cooking and eating, your 100-plus “family” members visiting and pinching your cheeks endlessly, and of course the countless “genats’” (toasts). Being one of the few kids who didn’t have to go to school on January 6 was also an added perk!

Christmas time for an Armenian family tends to be one of the biggest events of the year, with non-stop cooking and eating, your 100-plus “family” members visiting and pinching your cheeks endlessly, and of course the countless “genats’” (Photo by Arevik Danielian)

When I decided to extend my initial three-month stay in Armenia, my host-family told me it was great timing since I would, in a month, experience the local Armenian celebrations of both New Year’s and Christmas. They explained to me how it usually lasted from Dec. 31 to Jan. 11 or so, until the “Old New Year.” After hearing their descriptions of what usually happens on each day, I realized local Armenian traditions were similar to the ones back home—but on steroids. Some families would even go into debt as a result of the cost of celebrations. I told them that during this time, more than ever, not to treat me like a guest, but as a participant who would try to blend in and be an active member as much as possible. My host-sister agreed with a smile that made me a little nervous.

Back in Canada, after my veganism became common knowledge, my aunts and uncles expressed their concern that I wouldn’t be able to eat anything and went out of their way to think of vegan dishes. I had to remind them, and my own immediate family, that besides the meat in the center (usually turkey), my family’s choices of side dishes, excluding the labneh, were 100 percent vegan. Having family from Jerusalem, Lebanon, Istanbul, and Mexico resulted in hummus, tabouleh, vospov kufteh, babaghanush, guacamole, and much more as “side dishes” on the table. Similar to the rest of my family members, I would easily fall into food-comas until it all began again the next day. But in Armenia, when my host-sister listed the foods that would be made for New Year’s and Christmas, including the side dishes, I realized she wasn’t misguided when she said we needed to make a vegetarian dish for me to eat.

“Bood” is the centerpiece in Armenia. It is literally the large thigh/leg of a cow, and the cooking process includes the initial shaving of the leg to make sure no hairs remain (or at least in my host-family it did). While my host-sister described it, she reassured me that I would not be needed in the shaving/cooking of this dish, and said it was the most delicious and popular thing on the table.

Next, she described the “khash jelly.” I had heard about khash; for those who do not know, it is a soup of fat, boiled overnight from the hooves of cows, which you eat with garlic, lavash, and more vodka than you can imagine (for digestion purposes). The history of khash? When laborers prepared the king’s food, they’d choose not to discard the cow’s feet and instead make a soup with it to sustain themselves during the long, arduous process. The fat and thickness of the soup would keep them full for hours after, which was exactly what they needed. In modern-day Armenia, people still consume khash as a tradition during the winter—and become immobile for hours later. Khash jelly is the broth of this soup, mixed with spices, shaped into a log, and put into the freezer. It is sliced and eaten cold with lavash. Meat jello, in short.

“Bood” is the centerpiece in Armenia.

My role would be to help make the various salads and desserts that would surround the table. This way, I would also know which ones were vegetarian and which were off limits. Many salads had a Russian-influence to them, and were lathered in mayonnaise as a dressing or had small cubes of chicken in them. I counted three delicious-looking salads/side dishes I could eat, and agreed with my host-sister that although it was not on the traditional menu, we would include some basooc [pronounced basoots] dolma for me as well as some hummus. I was content.

In the days that followed, beginning as soon as Dec. 26, I regretted my “I want to be a participant” speech more times than I could count. Being a participant in preparing for the holiday season in Armenia meant that was all I could do. I had no life outside of cooking, cleaning, shopping, and planning. The “power” breaks would include coffee and cigarette sessions, but since I didn’t partake in either, I had no way of distracting myself from the work that followed these sessions.

I escaped a couple of times to meet friends who lived alone or with roommates, and within 30 minutes the phone calls would begin: I was needed. I had to bring something, make something, or clean something. A couple of times I would wake up “early” with the intention of going for secret runs prior to the chaos, but would instead see my host-family busy working—and happy that I was finally awake and could join them. Amazed at their energy, and bitter at being caught, I would.

New Year’s was by far the busiest day of the almost two-week-long celebration, with food-covered tables, music playing, people dancing, vodka pouring, and toasts coming one after the other well into the wee hours of the morning. My host-sister’s bood was a hit, and it seemed that her grandmother sat beside me to specifically chastise me for not eating the meat (out of love, I assume). The process began: Eat, toast, drink, dance, welcome more guests and repeat. By 4 a.m., everyone was so full of food and alcohol, things officially began to settle down.

There’s a reason no one returns to work feeling rested or energized: Mini-versions of the New Year’s celebrations continue during the days that follow. My co-workers and I arrived to work on Jan. 11 looking haggard, with dark circles under our eyes and pants that had suddenly become far too tight.

Smaller and more spread-out versions continued during those first few days in January. Groups of guests would come, a few at a time, and leftovers would constantly go back and forth into the fridge. I was able to leave the house more often, but without fail, every time I returned, there were new family members or friends I had never seen before making toasts and getting ready to eat. Their departure was immediately followed by cleaning, to make sure there was enough cutlery and plates for the next round of guests. I could not believe this would continue multiple times every day, and wondered if the bood was really big enough (it was).

The following year, living with two spyurkahays (diasporans) and two odars, we decided to organize a big dinner at our house to mimic the ones we had experienced living with host-families. A few days before the planned dinner, we had to cancel, and instead made a large reservation at a restaurant. Although we had more time to prepare and had many helping hands, we could not pull off feeding 20 people; with work and other obligations, we could not find the time to actually focus on preparation. It made me really appreciate and understand even more so how hard my host-family had worked. No matter how busy they were, they still created enough food for so many guests for almost two weeks. So we ate at a Western Armenian restaurant and followed that with a night out dancing, and were home by 2 a.m., without a single worry about cleaning or getting up early to cook.

The following day, after some friends had come over to spend a lazy day inside, a neighbor who we barely knew knocked on our door and gave us containers upon containers of food that she had made for her own celebrations. There was meat, cheese, pastries, desserts, and fruits. She said she knew our mothers were so far away, and wanted to make sure we were well fed and had some real food during the holidays. Two of our local friends came over shortly after with both basooc dolma and cake. Even within our 100 percent spyurk-bubble way of celebrating, we still got a glimpse of the local Armenian traditions. Those acts alone—seeing how generous and considerate people could be even in the middle of the busiest season—were the best parts of our New Year’s.

While I arrived to work that year feeling rested, energetic, and with pants that fit just fine, I knew something important had been missing in our “safe” option. While local Armenian traditions seemed a little extreme for me, and the idea of going into debt absurd, the tradition is surrounded by the idea of generously feeding those you love—albeit sometimes forcefully. No restaurant experience can even come close to that.

For the past month I’ve been reading and re-reading parts of the journals my great-grandmother wrote and had published in the Benson County Farmers Press in the early 1950s. She was born in 1874—a mere 101 years before I came to be.

Her writings bring life to her childhood in Norway, the voyage to America, burning “buffalo chips” for fuel during the pioneer days in North Dakota, the influenza epidemic of 1918, and learning about poison ivy the hard way. Even in her second language, she crafts phrases from words like a spinner spins yarn from wool, and maybe she did that, too.

Of Christmas she wrote:

Candles were always a part of the festivity of Christmas. We used candles a great deal. There was a hanging oil lamp in the parlor, but otherwise we used candles. Every year, just before Christmas, after the butchering was finished and the lard and tallow rendered, we made a supply of candles for the year.

We had a couple of sheep mangers that were light and easy to move around, so we would take one of them into the house when we made candles. The wicks were measured out to the right length and tied to sticks that were long enough to reach across the manger, about five wicks on each stick. When we were ready to start dipping the wicks, the warm tallow was placed nearby, so we could reach without standing up. Dad was the chief of this candle-dipping activity and Mother kept filling the pots with hot tallow. The children were permitted to make small candles.

When all the wicks were dipped once and were cool enough they were dipped again to take on another coat, and so on, until they were full sized. It was steady work for a whole evening; then, we had candles for a whole year.

Yes, we had Christmas trees in Norway, too. Dad and the boys worked in the woods most of the time during the winter and shortly before Christmas they brought a well-shaped tree that they may have selected weeks before. We placed the Christmas tree in the center of the floor, directly under the hanging lamp in the living room. The room was large enough that there was plenty of room to walk around the tree.

We didn’t have any packages under it. Our presents were always something to wear—whatever we needed the most, I suppose. We were not really so excited about the presents; we were probably wearing them already. It was walking around the Christmas tree, singing the Christmas songs, and eating rice in the big bowls with butter, sugar and cinnamon that represented the spirit of Christmas.

What strikes me about these passages is not the absence of materialism and unrelenting greed that are at the heart of most messages we receive about Christmas today—both the ones generated by those who reap the profits and the ones perpetuated by us.

What moves me is the focus on light, on ritual, and on renewal.

That a family, whether by birth or chosen, would come together to make its own light for a year is to me a powerful metaphor. That all members of the family, even the smallest, are contributors to creating that light is empowerment in its purest form. And that a young child carries that memory for decades and shares it in her 70s—having descended the mountains and crossed the sea and survived the harshest of winters in claim shacks—is evidence that to make light in the world is both a responsibility and a privilege.

I read these excerpts aloud at the dinner table this past Christmas Eve while family members heaped rice pudding on their plates, asked each other to pass the butter before the pudding cooled, and sprinkled it with sugar and cinnamon, while three candles flickered on the table. After scrambling to define tallow and render for my niece and nephew (and maybe for the grown-ups, too), we continued with the long-time tradition of Christmas Eve risgrøt, modified only through the use of an imported vanilla bean and lactose-free skim milk (traditions remain the same, but diets and food intolerances, it turns out, do not).

As children, my brother and I cut down a Christmas tree each year on the farm. Dad always had one in mind when he announced that it was time to bring in a tree, not unlike our forbears in the mountains of an island in Norway. He carried the handsaw, but we lay in the snow to cut it down. Our tree decoration skills were not on par with anything you’d see in a magazine these days, but the tinsel was distributed in a manner I’ll describe as festive, if without rhyme or reason. And I honestly can’t remember one present besides a plastic red sled that had been carefully wrapped in a black garbage bag.

Each day is an opportunity to begin anew, but Christmas is a special one. It is at once about birth and celebration, humility and generosity, light and love. We live in a world that is very dark at times, too dark for my comfort and maybe for yours, but we have an exceptional opportunity to come together with family, friends, and even in our own minds, to create a light of gratitude that will sustain us and those around us for the months ahead. Indeed we can. Indeed we must.

The 80^th Annual AYF-YOARF Eastern Region Convention was held from Dec. 26-30, 2013, in Westborough, Mass. About 40 Senior AYF members from the Eastern Region attended to evaluate the current state of the organization, reflect on the past year, and plan for the future. The members’ thoughtfulness and knowledge was both inspiring and motivating as we worked numerous hours to improve the organization.

Worcester AYF Hosts 80th Annual Convention

The Convention was hosted by the Worcester “Aram” AYF Chapter. The chapter’s hospitality helped to create a productive environment. On Saturday night, the members of the AYF Worcester chapter and their parents hosted a delicious dinner. The community also graciously allowed us to use their church for the Saturday night portion of our meeting. We are grateful for the work that the Worcester community put into welcoming us and helping to make our Convention excellent.

The Convention also included guests from other organizations who were invited to speak and report on their activities. Baron David Hamparian, Camp Haiastan’s executive director, discussed how to increase communication and involvement with the AYF at Camp, specifically in developing a curriculum for the Armenian school sessions. Heather Krafian of the Cambridge ARS spoke about how the youth may become involved in ARS programs and cited the many educational opportunities available. Tamar Kanarian represented the ANCA Eastern Region and called on the youth to help with their political initiatives. Ken Topalian reported for the Olympic Governing Body, seeking AYF input on many issues, and Aram Kayserian spoke on behalf of Homenetmen for increased communication between the two organizations.

Former AYF Central Executive member Stepanos Keshishian reported for the AYF Western Region as its executive director. Levon Attarian represented the ARF Eastern Region Central Committee and discussed plans as we approach the 100^th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide.

One of the greatest differences from past Conventions was the delegates’ discussion of international issues and the Eastern Region’s position within them. Previously, the Eastern Region had focused much of its efforts locally. With many AYF members traveling to Yerevan, Javakhk, Artsakh, and Western Armenia over the past year, we were equipped to discuss the state of the AYF and other efforts internationally. Many members learned from each other and want to deepen their knowledge of these issues.

With the 100^th anniversary of the genocide approaching, the main topic of discussion was how the AYF can be involved in these plans. We decided the “Call to Action” for 2014 would be Western Armenia and “The Centennial” in 2015. We will spend the year planning for the local, regional, national, and international events to take place next year in 2015, with the intention of uniting all Armenians and our supporters across the world for this monumental event.

The final task of the Convention was to elect a new Central Executive. The newly elected CE is comprised of Michelle Hagopian and Stephen Hagopian from the Granite City “Antranig” Chapter; Raffi Varjabedian and Raffi Yaboujian from the Boston “Nejdeh” Chapter; and U. Dalita Getzoyan, Garo Tashian, and Andrew Bagdasarian from the Providence “Varantian” Chapter.

As we begin 2014, the Central Executive of the Eastern Region is confident that our members will be more active and conscientious of the world around them in the coming year. We look forward to what our members will accomplish as we prepare for the future.

“Are you even a good Armenian?” was one of the sharpest responses my previous article, “I Turned My Back on Armenia,” elicited. Other commentators took it upon themselves to be the gatekeepers of our nation and banish me forever from Armenia and Armenians. These reactions validated an undercurrent which I’ve always suspected flowed beneath the surface: that we Armenians must strip ourselves of any individual distinctions and submit ourselves to a set doctrine of who and what an Armenian is.

Since when was it decided that we must look, act, think, and talk like each other? Was there a cabinet decision by the government of the 1918 republic that formulated who can be considered a “good Armenian,” that those who do not fit the description should be branded as “bad Armenians” unworthy of taking part in our people’s cause and direction? Did we as a collective conclude that social and political diversity was not good, that novel ideas and unconventional approaches were too harmful? It seems for the vocal segment of our nation the traditional ideals became pillars to never be tempered with.

At the same time, there has been an expanding ocean of “silent Armenians” who have wanted to break out and make their different voices heard. At least, I heard from some of them in private messages following my article. And they were relieved that at last someone had spoken against the long-held, stubborn notions of our communities.

I was confused why members of this broad group had kept their opinions to themselves, had not challenged the traditional ideals that keep feeding the false/failed perceptions of who we are as Armenians and where we’re headed.

Certainly, it is no secret that our close-knit communities subconsciously peel away those who are viewed as being outside of the core—as not “good Armenians.” And, in time, these Armenians’ presence in the community dims (not to say that they themselves hold no fault in that break). But the pressure of what the community demands is, to many, unbearable and amateur, which leads to the distance between them and the community. As a result, s/he is made into something that is intrinsically void, empty, fiction, and insulting to any thinking person’s intelligence: a bad Armenian.

This clash is a natural outcome of the communities’ struggle against the unstoppable force of a prolonged existence in a diaspora. As time goes by, the smaller core becomes more resolute, more committed to its rigid identity, and cannot accommodate any reflection on what makes them and those who “strayed” a people of the same mountains.

But I have seen the beautiful encounters of these “remote Armenians,” and how their distance has helped our much-needed national contemplation. Surrounded in a warm environment made up of non-Armenians and different cultures, these Armenians can provide new perspective on how our nation is represented on the one hand, and how, on the other, our nation absorbs new ideas from others. Because for those whom still do not know, Armenians do not have all of the answers to all of the questions.

For the first time ever, I spent this New Year’s Eve away from my community. Cast away in the claustrophobic circus madness of rainy London, I feasted on lasagna and red wine with an unusual collection of posh English students who had either never heard of Armenians, had a very meek idea of we were, or had met one Armenian who had left a very bad impression. Through a bit of shourchbar (circle dance), folk music, and talk of the current geopolitical affairs of non-EU Eastern Europe, I managed to carve a new picture of Armenia in their minds: of green mountains, where people dance constantly and drink with quality. But I kept in mind that it was only because I stepped outside of our traditional community that I had the opportunity to spread our values, history, and current realities to others.

So, am I good Armenian? I’d choose to be a bad one any day, just so I can shed the absolutes engrained in our traditional communities, and grasp the world outside—where our nation of good and bad Armenians are called upon to be the toastmasters of any table or feast.

Shnorhavor Amanor.

BOSTON, Mass. (A.W.) —Exploiting an opportune moment during World War I, the Ottoman government carried out its intent to eliminate the empire’s Christian elements. Although a vast amount of scholarship has been conducted on the annihilation of the Armenians, one aspect of the genocide remains obscure—the extermination of the Assyrians. In the interview below, Sabri Atman, the founder and director of the Assyrian Genocide and Research Center (Seyfo Center), brings to light some of the various characteristics of the Assyrian Genocide (or Seyfo).

Sabri Atman

Atman is one of the most well-known lecturers on the Assyrian Genocide. He was born in Nsibin (Tur Abdin) in southeast Turkey, moved to Austria due to political reasons, and to Sweden five years later. He has studied economics at the University of Gothenburg and has a master’s degree on human rights and genocide studies from Kingston University in London, Siena University in Italy, and Warsaw University in Poland. Atman continues to contribute immensely to worldwide awareness of the Assyrian Genocide. He is currently a doctoral student in genocide studies at Clark University in Worcester, Mass. His dissertation is on the Assyrian Genocide and the involvement of the Kurds.

Varak Kestsemanian—What is the primary sequence of events that constitute the Assyrian Genocide?

Sabri Atman—We Assyrians call the genocide of 1915 Seyfo, meaning “the sword.” The reason we called it the sword was that the perpetrators were using Seyfo as a weapon for the killings. Seyfo is a term that seeks to highlight the Assyrian share of the genocide, perpetrated against the Armenians and Greeks as well, during the First World War. The genocide that wiped out more than half the population of the Assyrians took place mainly in southeastern Turkey, but also in the northwestern town of Urmiya in Iran.

The Assyrians initially put the number of their victims at 250,000 people in both the Turkish territories and Urmiya, Iran. But, the Assyrian delegation to the Lausanne peace talks of 1923 presented the number of victims as 275,000, since they had collected more information on the numbers of those who perished. But, according to some scholars, up to 400,000 civilian Assyrians perished in the systematic killings, which were ordered and carried out by the Ottoman state, with the collaboration of its Kurdish subjects and with troops and divisions of the regular Ottoman military and police forces combined.

The 1915 genocide did not target only the Armenians but also the Greeks, Assyrians, and the Ezidis. The strategy that the perpetrators had in mind was ethnically annihilating all non-Muslim citizens living under the Ottoman occupation, with the objective of homogenizing Turkey in accordance with their goal to create a nation of “One Religion.” Indeed, their motto was “One Nation, One Religion.” To achieve their goal, jihad (or holy war) was declared on Nov. 14, 1914 in all of the Ottoman mosques. Jihad was declared against all Christian subjects living within the Ottoman territories without having a particular victim. The main plot was to get rid of all the Christian minorities of Turkey.

The execution of their primary plan to create one Muslim-Turkish nation started with attempts to assimilate the non-Turkish Muslim populations like the Kurds and other immigrants from the Balkans. These Muslim groups were relocated to such cities as Ankara, Adana, and Konya, and spread among the Turkish majority. The next step was the removal of the non-Muslim groups from Turkey. Two million Christian (mainly Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks) were massacred, starved to death and deported as a result of that policy.

V.K.—How does the Assyrian Genocide differ from the massacres perpetrated against the Greeks and Armenians?

S.A.—The witnesses I’ve interviewed all have wanted to clarify that neither the architects nor the perpetuators [of the genocide] made any distinction between any ethnic Christians. They were claiming that “An onion is an onion, whether it’s red or white. All must be chopped!” This was a direct reference to the planned and calculated slaughter of the Assyrian, Armenian, and Greek Christians.

While a large number of Armenians died during the deportation, many Assyrians were killed in their villages and towns.

V.K.—What are the primary sources that make up the research material for your dissertation?

S.A.—The primary sources for my research are the oral testimonies of the events, which I’ve collected over the past decade. These sources include unpublished interviews—that I and many other people conducted with survivors of the genocide—which we will transcribe, translate, and put into both historical and socio-political context.

Most of the sources addressing and documenting the Assyrian Genocide are scattered and written in languages that are not easily accessible to genocide scholars. These sources are either written in Assyrian, Arabic, or Turkish.

Furthermore, oral history and testimonies are entirely ignored by academia since most scholars concerned with the 1915 genocide have little knowledge of the Assyrian language. However, these oral testimonies of genocide survivors are central and immensely important, as they can shed light on many opaque aspects of the Assyrian Genocide. These oral testimonies represent an extensive pool of information ready to be subjected to academic scrutiny.

Although the written sources are of paramount importance, they have not yet been translated to modern European languages, rendering them inaccessible to most genocide studies scholars. To mention a few, they include Isaac Armalto’s eye-witness account that he published in Arabic in 1919 in Lebanon; and Mar Israel Audo’s documentation of the tragedies, which is available in an unpublished manuscript in Assyrian.

Many of our oral history documentations gathered at the Seyfo Center are first-hand testimonies of eye-witness accounts. I had the opportunity to interview and record many survivors, and they not only provided me with valuable information then, but their testimonies continue to provide me with an endless moral boost in what I do.

Today, we have been able to extract much information regarding the 1915 massacres from eye-witness accounts who reported back to their respective embassies. The following are some examples:

–American Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, Jr. in Constantinople gave reports about his contacts with the government of the Young Turks.

–A document was published already in 1916 entitled “The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915-1916” by James Bryce, a British expert in political science, and Arnold Toynbee, a historian. Over 100 pages of this document are about the Assyrians.

–Johannes Lepsius, a German missionary who lived in Anatolia, informed the authorities in Berlin about what was happening at the time. The documentation was published in 1919 in Potsdam.

–Prof. David Gaunt together with Dr. Racho Donef published the book Massacres, Resistance, Protectors in 2006 and covers the fate of all the Christian groups of eastern Anatolia during World War I.

V.K.—What is the primary function of the Seyfo Center? How does it contribute to genocide scholarship?

S.A.—The Seyfo Center has a big pool of sources and provides research assistance to scholars, writers, journalists, filmmakers, and government agencies. We also document the Assyrian Genocide by collecting oral histories and publishing written evidence; presenting the Assyrian Genocide in parliaments and government bodies; educating non-Assyrians in political and academic forums; participating in activism on behalf of [recognition of] the Assyrian Genocide; and publishing books, reports, brochures, and other media. We lobby [for recognition].

I am very glad to say that we have made great strides in the last ten years regarding the Assyrian Genocide. First of all, the word Seyfo now is more known on both the national and international levels. For example:

–On May 13, 2009, a press conference took place in the Swedish Parliament. A Kurdish intellectual called Berzan Boti apologized for the genocide of 1915 and, as an act of restitution, handed back his property to its rightful owners, Assyrians. The deeds of his property were then transferred to the Seyfo Center.

–On March 10, 2010, the Swedish Parliament recognized the Assyrian Genocide.

–Thanks to the Assyrian Universal Alliance (AUA) and the efforts by the Assyrians in Australia, a monument was erected on Aug. 7, 2010, for the Assyrian victims during World War I and the Simele Massacre.

–On May 1, 2013, the Australian Parliament of New South Wales (NSW) recognized the Assyrian and the Greek Genocide.

–On April 25, 2012, the Assyrian Genocide Monument was unveiled in capital city of Armenia, in Yerevan.

–On April 27, 2013, the third Assyrian genocide monument was unveiled in France.

I am sure that in the very near future, we will have more monuments erected around the world, and the number of countries who recognize the Assyrian Genocide will have increased dramatically.

V.K.—What are the primary demands of the Assyrian people from the Turkish government?

S.A.—First of all, we want the Republic of Turkey to stop the lies they have been practicing now for 98 years and recognize the Assyrian, Armenian, and Greek genocides.

Denial is a form of continuation of the genocide. It is to be killed twice. Failure to recognize the genocide has led to even more genocides against Assyrians in their homeland.

We Assyrians also don’t understand the fact that the Republic of Armenia has not recognized the Assyrian Genocide yet. Today, I am very happy that so far about 26 countries have officially recognized the 1915 Armenian Genocide.

March 10, 2010 and May 1, 2013 are historical days especially for us as Assyrians and Greeks. The Swedish and Australian Parliaments passed a resolution and recognized the Assyrian and Greek Genocides in addition to the Armenian Genocide. I hope other countries will follow suit.

Our Armenian friends living in Armenia and around the world have to help us and add the Assyrian and Greek Genocides on the international agenda.

Remember: Assyrians and Greeks were subjected to the genocide in Turkey, too. We also demand that today the whole world officially recognize this fact. Of course, the Republic of Armenia, for many reasons should be one of the first countries in the world to recognize the Assyrian Genocide!

We would very much like to have a strategy based on friendship between Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks. We, who were subjected to the same genocide, should finds ways and means of an internal dialogue and then speak with one voice.

Special to the Armenian Weekly

I was recently asked to help a journalist from a Prague-based radio station do a report on the Syrian-Armenian refugees in Beirut. She wanted to meet all sorts of folks—wealthy, poor, young and old—who were trying to make a go of it with what was left from a fragmented life. I took her to Bourj Hammoud—Little Armenia—where many of them could be found, and to a restaurant serving the much-cherished Aleppo cuisine.

An Aleppo street before the war in Syria.

We met one of the owners, a young, charming man with the freshly acquired acuteness of a businessman. He quickly invited us to a table and asked about our preferred drink from a list of American/global soft drinks. We settled for cold bottled water with a local name, though it was surely owned by some international conglomerate.

The journalist was originally from Stepanakert, the capital of the Nagorno Karabagh Republic (NKR), which was born from a brutal war with Azerbaijan that saw more than 30,000 killed on both sides. She had been born in the midst of that war, during the unfolding of the Soviet Union. And here she was covering a new war with its own displaced Armenians.

While she was preparing her recording device, I had already begun to engage this man, almost a third my age: Which neighborhood of Aleppo was he from? How did he make it to Beirut safe and sound? What school had he gone to?

His words took me back, step by step, to my youth in Aleppo.

He had attended the Haigazian kindergarten and elementary schools, and the Karen Jeppe high school. When I told him that a generation ago, I had lived in the same vicinity and had attended the same schools, a sparkle shined in his eyes, followed by an unwilling smile of comfort: He had at last met someone who could relate to his demolished past. It was a moment of consolation between familiar strangers.

He asked when I had left our beloved Aleppo. During the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, I said, but didn’t hear his response as my mind was spectacularly taken back to my own war and departure. I’m not sure how the meeting with the young reporter took shape. I was fixated on the notion that in this part of the world, every generation has had a war and has felt its mark.

My generation witnessed the many internal upheavals that gave us nothing but panic and fear every day, as coup d’états spread young army conscripts like ants through our streets and alleys. Then we had the 1967 Six-Day War with Israel, and the 1973 Yom Kippur War, when we moved to Beirut and then the U.S., leaving my grandmother and aunts behind. They, in turn, survived the Lebanese civil war, which began in 1975 and lasted 15 bloody years.

My grandmother had been a survivor of World War I, which gave us the infamous Armenian Genocide. As a four-year-old, she was forced to walk from her ancestral village in Sepastia through the scorching Syrian desert of Der Zor, to the unwelcoming streets of Aleppo. All this, with her younger brother, orphaned, thirsty, barefoot, and with hardly any clothes on, witnessing horrors that made their generation speechless for decades.

My father, who was born in Aleppo, lived through the wars of Syrian independence from the French mandate, and then the internal wars over control of the city among various armed groups, until it was time for World War II. As a young man then, he joined the British Army. He was first sent to Palestine, then Egypt, and eventually to Bologna to fight to liberate Italy. He returned to Aleppo as a handsome, war-experienced 19-year-old with limited knowledge of Italian, which he had acquired from his girlfriends, and a mark of being westernized.

This same man, now with a wife and three boys, had to take up arms again in the early 1960’s to defend Armenian neighborhoods when the short-lived Egyptian-Syrian union was being dismantled.

“Every generation has his war in the Middle East,” I heard myself saying to no one in particular as I came back from my mental tour of the past century.

The young restaurateur turned to me in a gentle move from the reporter’s microphone, as if continuing his interview. “This is a destiny we have, to live out wars and upheavals, genocides and massacres in the Middle East. This century has been bloody for us, in Egypt, Iran, Lebanon, Iraq, and Syria, where we settled after the Turkish massacres and found a life from the start. Yet we have to deal with being killed again and again. For a century now, we have not found peace and calm,” he said, sipping from his glass of a soft drink overfilled with ice.

The ensuing, dense silence in noisy Bourj Hammoud was broken by his conclusion, uttered in the humblest of voices: “Me and my other two partners had a great life and spent every night in restaurants and clubs in Aleppo, Damascus, Cairo, and Beirut. We were entertained as if we were kings. Now in Beirut we work day and night to make our customers feel like royals. This is the reversal of events, if you survived at all. We are lucky and thankful, but thankful to whom and why is what I do not know.”

I had no words, no ideas, on how to soften his pain when teardrops fell from his eyes, while he insisted that we choose anything from the menu as his guests. Only someone who has experienced a walk through Dante’s Inferno and come back alive could offer such generosity.

The journalist had to make another appointment to complete her interview, this time without my presence, my personal interjections and musings.

This is just one story of too many to be told, and so it goes…

LOS ANGELES, Calif.—Celebrated Armenian conductor Aram Gharabekian, 58, passed away on January 11 in Los Angeles.

Aram Gharabekian

Gharabekian was born in Iran in 1955. After graduating from the New England Conservatory with a Master’s Degree in composition, he continued his musical education at Mainz University in Germany. He studied with renowned Italian conductor Franco Ferrara, as well as Romanian conductor Sergiu Celibidache. At 24, he was granted a fellowship to study under American composer and conductor Leonard Bernstein.

Gharabekian served as the music director of Armenia’s National Chamber of Orchestra from 1997 to 2010.

In 1983, Gharabekian founded and served as the music director of Boston’s SinfoNova Orchestra— appearing in venues such as Carnegie Hall, Boston’s Symphony Hall, and Jordan Hall—until 1991.

He had also served as the principal guest conductor of the Ukrainian Radio and Television Symphony Orchestra, as well as the Zagreb Philharmonic, the Ukrainian National Symphony, the Ukrainian State Opera and Ballet, the Armenian Philharmonic, the Shreveport Symphony, and the Fresno Philharmonic.

In 2009, Gharabekian established an international music festival, the Open Music Fest, in Yerevan. More recently, he became the conductor and artistic director of the Open Music Society Foundation in Los Angeles and Yerevan.

Gharabekian’s concert recordings have been aired on National Public Radio, Boston’s WBZ Television, WBUR, WGBH, and WCRB in Boston, WNYC in New York, Voice of America in Washington, and Bayerischer Rundfunk in Munich. He has also made recordings for Armenian, Ukrainian, and Croatian television and radio stations.

Among the honors and awards he received were the Presidential Medal from Armenia’s government, a proclamation from the United States Congress, the 1989 Lucien Wulsin Performance Award, the 1988 American Society of Composers, Authors, and Publishers (ASCAP) Award for Adventuresome Programming, two awards from the Harvard Musical Association for Best Performance; while the Boston Globe hailed his performances as “Best of 1985, 1989, 1990, and 1991.”

Upon learning of Gharabekian’s passing, President Serge Sarkisian stated in a letter, “I was deeply saddened to learn about the untimely passing of renowned conductor, the Republic of Armenia’s Esteemed Artist Aram Gharabekian… [He] stood out as a leading and unique conductor… I express my deepest condolences to Aram Gharabekian’s relatives, colleagues and friends.”

Martha Aramian of Providence passed away on Jan. 11, 2014, in the loving embraces of her sisters S. Sue Aramian of New York and Margo A. Ragan of Pennsylvania, her niece Jocelyn, nephew Paul, her adored grandniece and grandnephews Emma Ragan, Luca and Bastian Micolucci, and treasured cousins Cheryl and Dianne Apkarian.

Aramian (R) with Samantha Power at the 2008 ANCA Eastern Banquet, where Aramian was bestowed the Vahan Cardashian award for her lifetime of community service.

Her passion, philanthropy, and perseverance led her to personally design, create, and finally deed to the city of Providence the Armenian Heritage Park, on the corner of Chalkstone and Douglas Avenues. The park is an homage to the Armenian community who fled the horrors of the genocide, overcame great obstacles in this new land, and established families who went on to became leaders in business, education, medicine, politics, credits to their society.

Martha compiled a history of those families, whose names are engraved on granite stones around the central monument, so that their stories will be forever memorialized.

Along with her sisters and the International YMCA, she established the Kazar and Nevart Aramian Child Care Center in Vanadzor, Armenia, where young Armenian children could have an educational and social experience. It immediately became clear that seniors needed a place to gather, too, so Martha added the Zevartaran, named in honor of her aunt Zevart. Three years ago, the Aramian Camp was dedicated, and was a place where these same children could go for summer camp programs.

Martha’s love for children included those she didn’t even know. She sponsored weeks of summer activity at Aramian Camp for Armenian children who were refugees from the Syrian civil conflict. Her desire was for them to have happy memories during this difficult time.

Martha believed the Armenian Church was the cornerstone of its people; therefore, she lent her support to all the Armenian churches in Providence in many different ways. She was a dedicated member of Sts. Vartanantz Church, giving generously of her wisdom, ideas, and creativity.

When there was a need, she gave financially as well, often anonymously. She was a supporter of the Armenian Martyr’s Memorial, the Homenetmen Scouts of the Church, the Armenian National Committee in Washington as well as in Providence, a sponsor of the film “Screamers” on the genocide, and many other events.

Martha thought of others before herself. She spearheaded the movement to rename Whipple Street to Aram G. Garabedian Way in honor of Aram’s contributions to the Armenian people. She was the driving force for placing a bronze plaque at the old ARF Mourad Club on Douglas Avenue, where the first generation of Armenian immigrants used to gather.

Martha was recognized for her generosity. She was awarded the Queen Zabel Award by the Armenian Prelacy, “Woman of the Year” by the Armenian Masonic Degree Team of Rhode Island, Pillar of the Prelacy, congratulatory citations from Senator Domenick Ruggierio, Mayor Scott Avedisian, and a Key to the City from then-Mayor Vincent “Buddy” Cianci.

Relatives and friends are invited to attend Martha’s funeral ceremony at 11 a.m. on Wed., Jan. 15 at Sts. Vartanantz Armenian Apostolic Church on 402 Broadway, Providence, with internment to follow at North Burial Ground. In lieu of flowers, the family is requesting donations be made in her honor to Sts. Vartanantz Church.

Special for the Armenian Weekly

“My father passed away a few years before the beginning of the conflict. My mother works as a cook for 12 hours a day, while my 14-year-old brother attends school,” says Daron, 16, a Syrian-Armenian waiter in Yerevan. “I can’t go to school because I have to support my family.”

‘New Aleppo’ district plan

The 34 months of the Syrian crisis has resulted in 120,000 deaths, 7 million internally displaced persons (IDP), and 2.3 million refugees.¹ Although the situation of the refugees across the Middle East, or even in certain European states like Bulgaria,² is drastically worse than the circumstance of the Syrian Armenians in Armenia, nonetheless those who have resettled in Armenia are also facing numerous economic, social, and legal challenges.

According to the Republic of Armenia’s Ministry of Diaspora, more than 16,000 Syrian Armenians have entered the country since the beginning of the crisis in March 2011, and more systematically with the beginning of the armed conflict in Aleppo in July 2012.

Nearly 11,000 continue to reside in Armenia (including in the Nagorno Karabagh Republic). The vast majority of the 5,000 who left Armenia have returned back to their homes in Syria,³ while a small number of people have become refugees in Europe and other parts of the world.⁴
Due to financial constraints, more than 70 percent of the population has not been able to purchase apartments. This housing situation has been the primary obstacle to the integration of Syrian-Armenians in Armenia. Whereas for the past 17 months, numerous local and international organizations have provided stipends for rent or housing in shelter homes, an inclusionary housing solution has yet to be developed.

Housing programs and projects

In the early stages of the Syrian-Armenian migration to Armenia, the Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU) provided monthly stipends of $100-150 to support individuals and families with their rental fees for a period of 3 months.⁵

The Armenian Caritas (Armenian Catholic Church) in Yerevan has sheltered more than 45 of the most needy at its center, and has provided them with food and other forms of assistance.⁶ Most recently, on Nov. 27, 2013, the head of its Department for Migration and Integration announced that the organization would be allocating a significant portion of the 270,000 euros received from the Austrian government, via the Austrian Red Cross, toward the leasing expenses of 100 families for the next 6 months.⁷

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation’s (ARF) “Help Your Brother” program has provided more than $32,000 to the “Kashatagh” foundation, to aid the construction and renovation of homes in the Kashatagh region of Karabagh, where more than 35 Syrian Armenians currently reside.⁸ The Tufenkian Foundation, the Assistance to Self-Determined Artsakh Charitable Foundation, and other organizations are also supporting resettlement efforts in Karabagh.⁹

In Yerevan, “Help Your Brother” is planning the construction of apartment buildings in the Davtashen district. Two-hundred Syrian-Armenian families will be able to purchase apartments there at minimal cost by submitting applications at the “Help Your Brother” headquarters in Yerevan.¹⁰

Through the relentless efforts of the Minister of Diaspora, Hranush Hakobyan, and the order of President Serge Sarkisian, the government approved the construction of the “New Aleppo” district in Ashtarak city. On July 23, 2013, the Ashtarak City Council allocated more than 11 acres of land to the Center for Coordination of Syrian-Armenian Issues NGO for the “New Aleppo” housing project.¹¹

As of December 2013, more than 300 Syrian-Armenian families had submitted registration forms to the Center for Coordination of Syrian-Armenian Issues, and have expressed a willingness to pay up to 50 percent of the construction cost for the apartments.¹²

On Dec. 9, 2013, the final plan for the “New Aleppo” district was presented by Vahe and Gohar Tutunjians, the co-presidents of the Pan-Armenian Association of Architects and Engineers. According to the initial estimates, the project will cost around $30 million and will feature 22-30 apartment buildings, swimming pools, garages, playgrounds and other amenities. Most importantly, it will house more than 500 Syrian-Armenian families.¹³

Analysis and conclusion

“We came to Armenia with only a few thousand dollars, which has long run out,” explained Daron. “My mother makes $300 per month. I make around $400-500 while working up to 70 hours every week. The most we can save up each month is around $150 because we have to pay $200 for rent.” Daron is neither the norm, nor the exception.

Having worked with the Center for Coordination of Syrian-Armenian Issues for almost a year, and due to my current involvement with the Aleppo Compatriotic Charitable Organization, I estimate that at least 15-20 percent of the Syrian Armenians in Armenia do not have sufficient funds to purchase apartments.

According to the most recent data, more than 250 individuals are awaiting access to free-of-charge shelter homes in Armenia, while 200 are currently being housed in shelters that do not comply with the “Adequate Standards of Living” set fort by Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Article 11 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).
I have been an advocate (albeit, with some reservations) for the construction of an Aleppo neighborhood in Armenia since the beginning of the process. However, in its current form, the “New Aleppo” district does not represent the spirit or vision of its mastermind.

In May 2011, Ani Balkhian, a founding member of the Center for Coordination of Syrian-Armenian Issues and the current president of the Aleppo Compatriotic Charitable Organization, introduced the initial plan for “New Aleppo” during the All-Armenia Fund meeting in Yerevan. She made a verbal proposal then to President Sarkisian. In August 2011, via the Armenian Consulate in Aleppo, she sent a formal written request to the president requesting government-designated land for the construction of an Aleppo Neighborhood.
The initial plan for the project was to induce a Syrian-Armenian mass-migration to Armenia by allocating apartments at construction cost. However, for reasons yet unknown, the plan never materialized. After the establishment of the Center for Coordination of Syrian-Armenian Issues, Balkhian reintroduced the idea and, in October 2012, through the Ministry of Diaspora, a second written proposal was sent to the president.

More than two years after the initial proposal, the final plan for “New Aleppo” has been developed and will, as hitherto mentioned, feature 22-30 apartment buildings. On Dec. 7, 2013, the Center for Coordination of Syrian-Armenian Issues, on its Facebook page, announced that “individuals seeking apartments in the ‘New Aleppo’ district need to submit their applications at the organization’s headquarter…transfer $5,000 to the organization’s bank account and sign a preliminary agreement document.”¹⁴

There are certain social and financial flaws with the current state of the “New Aleppo” district. In fact, my initial concerns over this project have been validated on both fronts.
Contrary to the Armenian Diaspora in Russia, Europe, the United States, and even Lebanon, Armenians have lived a marginalized life in Syria. Due to religious and cultural reservations, as well as valid fears of assimilation, Armenians had isolated themselves from the world around them. The churches, sports clubs, cultural institutions, and schools were used as a fortress to defend Armenian-Christian identity in Syria. In Aleppo, especially, most Syria-Armenian children who attended Armenian schools were not even accustomed to speaking Arabic until the ages of 12-15.

Today, most Syrian Armenians in Armenia have continued the same secluding and ghettoizing strategies of self-isolation. This is not due to their fears of the local Armenian population, but because they are subconsciously programmed to operate this way. Even the amenities to be included within the “New Aleppo” project—swimming pools, playgrounds, etc.—will further contribute to the isolation of Syrian-Armenians from the local society, and slow down their integration process.
On the financial front, in August 2011, most Syrian Armenians were able to purchase apartments in the “New Aleppo” district by procuring funds through the sale of real estate or other assets in Syria. Now, however, at least 15-20 percent do not have access to $5,000 to use as a down payment, nor are they capable of contributing 30-50 percent of the construction cost.

I, for one, do not understand the logic behind investing funds for amenities—that were non-existent in the neighborhoods of “Old Aleppo” (Meedan, Sulamaniye, Villat, Azizie)—while so many remain excluded from this initiative.

It is my belief that any housing project that seeks to provide durable shelter solutions for Syrian Armenians should be founded on the principle of inclusion rather than exclusion. It should first and foremost address the needs of the most vulnerable Syrian Armenians, rather than solidifying the bourgeois status of the middle class. Although I welcome any housing initiative that ensures the complete resettlement of Syrian Armenians and contributes to their full integration in Armenia, the current plan of “New Aleppo,” unfortunately, does not address the needs of the most vulnerable of the population. It is simply unacceptable.

Finally, as a Syrian Armenian myself, I would like to express my gratitude to the president, the Ministry of Diaspora, the Armenian government, and local and international organizations, businesses, and foundations for their support in both Armenia and Syria. The criticisms presented in this piece are not intended to discourage any organization or to undermine any program or project. Rather, they aim to represent the voice of the voiceless and the face of the faceless, like Daron, and encourage organizations to operate based on the visions of the late Nelson Mandela: “Let there be justice for all. Let there be peace for all. Let there be work, bread, water and salt for all.”

Notes

[1] See http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/regional.php?_ga=1.126698767.342266411.1386426334.

[2] See http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/23/world/europe/bulgaria-unready-is-poor-host-to-syrians.html?_r=1&.

[3] See http://www.panarmenian.net/arm/news/133582/.

[4] See http://gadebate.un.org/68/armenia.

[5] See http://www.agbu.am/en/239-archive-2013/news-13/1330-agbu-supports-syrian-armenians-2013.

[6] See http://armenpress.am/eng/news/741585/armenian-caritas-to-assist-syrian-armenians-in-housing-lease.html.

[7] See http://www.caritasarm.am/en/media-center/news/81-the-opened-door.

[8] See http://www.aravot.am/2013/05/03/239014/.

[9] See http://armenianow.com/society/features/44597/syrian_armenians_kashatagh_resettlement_in_karabakh.

[10] See http://www.arfd.am/syriahay/?p=1099.

[11] See http://www.mindiaspora.am/en/News?id=2617.

[12] See http://www.panorama.am/am/comments/2013/12/11/lina-halajyan/#.UqgrjCjjzmo.facebook.

[13] See http://armenpress.am/arm/news/743108/tchartarapet-vahe-tutunjyany-nerkayacrel-e-nor-halep.html.

[14] The full text of the announcement on Facebook:
“Աշտարակ Քաղաքի «Նոր Հալէպ» թաղամասի
Մեծյարգոյ դիմում ներկայացնողներ՝
«Սիրիահայերի Հիմնախնդիրները Համակարգող Կենդրոն» ՀԿ կը խնդրէ «Նոր Հալէպ» թաղամասէն բնակարան գնելու հայտ ներկայացնողներէն ներկայանալ գրասենեակ՝ Ալեք Մանուկյան 9, նախնական պայմանագիր կնքելու եւ բանկային փոխանցումով 5000$ կանխավճար ընելու ապա ներկայ գտնուելու 11Դեկտ.2013-ին `ժամը 17- ին Երեբունի Պլազա 9-րդ յարկ, ծրագրի ներկայացման ճարտարապետներու կողմէ:
Կողմերու միչեւ փոխվստահութիւնը ամրապնդելու նպատակով հարկ է նշել՝
• Ըստ նախնական պայմանագրի 2.1.8 կէտին, բնակարանատէրը առանց վնասից հատուցման կարող է ցանկացած պահին իր փոխանցած նախնական 5000$ կանխավճարը ետ ստանալ:
• Աշտարակի Քաղաքապետարանի կողմէ հողաշերտը սեփականաշնորհուած է կազմակերպութեանս ՀՀ անշարժ գոյքի պետական գրանցման N 2408013-02-0005 վկայականով:
• Նուիրատութիւնները եւ Ձեր բանկային փոխանցումները կը տնօրինուին կազմակերպութեանս կողմէ ամենայն պատասխանատութեամբ եւ թափանցիկութեամբ, անոնք հերթականօրէն թարմացուած կը տեղադրուին ՀՀ Ս.Նախարարութեան «Հայերն Այսօր» կայքէջին եւ կազմակերպութեանս դիմատետրի էջին:
Կանխայայտ շնորհակալութիւններով՝
ՍՀՀԿ-ի Յանձնախումբ”

You never know who you’ll meet at an AYF Olympics, whether it’s in Boston, Detroit, or California.

Hall-of-Famer Frank Thomas makes an Armenian child happy at an AYF Olympics.

Oh sure, you’ll run across the usual people, like the home-towners you haven’t seen since the last Olympics, your cousin Aram from Cleveland, your old girlfriend Hasmig from Chicago, and what about Uncle Hamazasp from Florida?

Everyone gets together at an AYF Olympics and has a grand old time rekindling ties, not to mention making new acquaintances. It’s where friendships are made, cultivated, never worn out.

As they say, only at an AYF Olympics…

My son was eight and we were in Detroit for an event. My two older children were representing the Lowell chapter and, as a family should, we were there to support the kids, even with babies and toddlers in tow.

You might say all my children were weaned at an Olympics. They got to meet other youngsters and when they came of age, competed against them. Win or lose, they all became better Armenians through their experience, hopefully doing the same for their kids.

We were on an elevator going to the lobby when my son looked up and saw a baseball icon. The Chicago White Sox were in town to play the Detroit Tigers and there, standing right beside him, was Frank Thomas.

He looked up and nearly melted on the spot.

Like any kid his age, he patronized his heroes, whether they were members of the Boston Red Sox—our hometown favorites—or any other superstar of the game. Most certainly, a Frank Thomas.

After all, you’re talking about one of the greatest hitters in baseball with a .301 batting average, 2,468 hits, 521 homers, and 1,704 runs batted in. Before retiring in 2010, he had spent 15 years with Chicago and the next 5 years with 3 other clubs.

And there he was, riding in the same elevator with my son. The guy looked massive with bulging forearms like some lumberjack ready to clear out a forest.

All of a sudden, I felt a poke in my ribs, then a voice in my ear.

“Can we get his autograph, dad?”

“Absolutely,” I replied.

“G’wan and ask him.”

“If you want his autograph, you have to ask him,” I mandated.

“What if he won’t give me his autograph?”

“You’ll never know unless you approach him yourself, son.”

The elevator landed in the lobby. Out stepped Frank Thomas and before he could get to the door, my eager-eyed son ran up to him and begged his indulgence. Except for one thing. No paper or pen in hand.

The baseball giant waited patiently for my son to run to the desk and fetch the necessary items for his BIG moment. It was then that the baseballer shook his hand, said he was pleased to make his acquaintance, and encouraged him to follow his dreams.

The kid was a tee-ball player back home and couldn’t wait to share the news with his friends.

Some years later, we were in Providence for an Olympics and there, waiting for a ride outside the hotel, was Tiger Woods. The young golfing sensation was in town for the Deutsche Bank Tournament.

I was with AYF veteran Steve Dulgarian and asked if he wouldn’t mind posing with Tiger for a quick photo opportunity. The two of them stood side-by-side as Dulgarian put his arm over the golfer’s shoulders like they were buddy-buddy.

About the only place that photo found itself was inside an Armenian Weekly Olympics spread before being enlarged for the family portrait album and made into copies shared with family.

“What’s going on here?” Tiger asked.

“It’s the Armenian youth Olympics,” replied Dulgarian. “You know any Armenians?”

“Sure do,” he divulged. “Good people, the Armenians.”

On came Tiger’s limo and he was off in a wink. But the moment had left us an indelible memory of a chance encounter with a sports celebrity.

Tiger Woods was to become one of the greatest golfers ever to play the game. As for Frank Thomas, he was elected to baseball’s Hall-of-Fame Jan. 8 on the first ballot possible.

During the Soviet era in Armenia, there were virtually no non-governmental organizations (NGOs). After the devastating earthquake of December 1988 and during the years of the war in Artsakh (Karabagh), NGOs began to form and were heavily involved with relief and humanitarian efforts. The government of Armenia was unable to cope with the dire situation resulting from the earthquake and the war, and therefore had to accept the active participation of civil society organizations (CSOs).

Alongside humanitarian aid, major international organizations and NGOs started contributing to the development of the local non-government sector. Major Armenian organizations from the diaspora also provided humanitarian aid and contributed greatly to the reconstruction process.

The focus of these new NGOs was on refugees, women, children, the elderly, and the disabled, but their activities were somewhat limited. Their inability to meet the growing demand for emergency services and operations, for example, was due to a lack of local NGO skills, knowledge, and capabilities, and the absence of an appropriate legal framework. This period can be considered the first stage in the formation of local NGOs.

Even though most of the NGOs were located in Yerevan, local NGOs began emerging in the marzes (provinces), too, and implementing projects in education, health, culture, community development, and income generation. In 1997, the number of local NGOs passed 500. By 2001, data from the state register showed that 2,585 NGOs were officially registered. In 2010, the state register reported 45 international NGOs and 5,700 local NGOs. However, out of the total number of local NGOs registered, only 15 percent can be considered operational; most in that percentage are small outfits that are not active, and some have vague and obscure missions. The following are the mission statements of a few such NGOs:

–The main goal of the organization is to participate actively in the social and legal life of the country in order to promote a free and safe life for the youth.

–The main goals of the organization are to develop art and psychology and to form civil society.

–To organize and collect all the recipes of Armenian national cuisine and publish it. To participate in international contests, seminars, and meetings.

Table 1 presents a list of operational NGOs and their fields of activities, although not all are necessarily active.

International NGOs can be classified under the same categories as local NGOs, but have two additional categories—(1) infrastructure development and construction, and (2) capacity building and technical assistance for local CSOs, self-governing bodies, and community councils.

A survey conducted by World Learning revealed that in the 1990’s, 70 percent of NGO leaders were women. However, by 2001, 58 percent of NGO leaders were men, and by 2009, the percentage of male NGO leaders had increased to 63. The shift might have occurred as men came to view NGOs as a job opportunity and a means to further their careers.

Yet, while in 2004, approximately 75 international NGOs were operating in Armenia, that number has since decreased. The reason for this decline may be the stable economic growth seen in Armenia in 2006 and 2007.

Government involvement

The gradual increase in the number of international NGOs in Armenia and the corresponding need to regulate the activities of all types of CSOs led to the Armenian government adopting its first Law on Civil Society Organizations in 1996. The law encouraged international NGOs to shift their activities from emergency response to development, the protection of human rights, and enhancing the capacity of local NGOs. The law states that Armenia recognizes the crucial role of NGOs in the development of civil society and aims to promote the establishment of NGOs as legal entities. The government has also passed decrees, regulations, memorandums, and agreements related to cooperation with NGOs, and formed institutional bodies and units on community and national levels.

Voluntarism

When interacting with society, NGOs in Armenia, in comparison to NGOs in the Armenian Diaspora, use an informal and less structured process for volunteering. NGOs in Armenia also have greater issues with volunteer mismanagement; sporadic volunteer recruitment; lack of skills assessment, orientation, and training for volunteers; and recognizing volunteer contributions. Engaging volunteers in long-term regular commitments, instead of ad hoc projects, could better utilize this important resource.

Because voluntarism for society was not a common practice during the Soviet era, there is a need to widely publicize the value of volunteerism to get more people interested. Presently this important human resource is underutilized by NGOs in Armenia. NGOs should realize the expectations of the volunteer in order to retain their involvement and commitment over time. A non-profit organization with a strong and committed volunteer base is also more likely to attract new funds.

Democratic governance

The internal democratic governance of NGOs in Armenia is another issue that needs to be addressed. NGOs have developed written policies for democratic governance, but often do not follow these policies. They hold elections to select their internal leadership, yet the rotation rate of such leadership is low. Typically, the founders of NGOs hold their positions for a long time, which affects the formation of an independent Board of Directors.

While most Armenian NGOs have bylaws and constitutions that outline their governance mechanisms, it sometimes seems as though these mechanisms are developed only to get the required permits and to attract new funds, rather than from a genuine interest in democratic management. Members are also often excluded from decision-making processes. Unless NGOs embrace democratic procedures into their regular operations, they will not be able to establish a credible reputation in the community.

Funding sources

Financial sustainability is one of the main challenges that local NGOs in Armenia face. It is this challenge that limits their capacity for impact and distorts the image of civil society as a financially dependent sector. It is necessary to diversify funding sources by fostering partnerships with a full variety of potential funders, whether they are individuals, corporations, or governments. NGOs in Armenia undertake fundraising activities through various events, exhibitions, concerts, and other activities. However, the majority of NGOs have difficulty with fundraising because they lack experience in fundraising methods, basic marketing, and financial management skills.

The activities of Armenian NGOs are heavily reliant on external funding. Some donor organizations work directly with NGOs, while others operate on a bilateral or multilateral basis. The Armenian Diaspora also assists the local NGO sector by allocating funds or providing in-kind assistance. Many NGOs believe that if donor organizations leave Armenia, the scope of their activities will be curtailed and they will become non-operational due to a lack of funding.

The Civil Society Fund is one of several programs supported by the World Bank, which has provided grants since 1999 to NGOs and other CSOs in Armenia. The grants support activities related to civic engagement, and focuses on empowering people who have been excluded from society’s decision-making processes. The individual grants are between $8,000 and $10,000.

Today’s unfavorable legislative framework related to donations to non-profit organizations does not provide the NGO sector with an opportunity to acquire alternative financing. Therefore, limited and unsustainable funding from donors and the government make the NGO sector more dependent, which in turns affects their independence and sustainability. Furthermore, the Armenian business sector does not invest in NGO development. (If it does, the investment is limited to a one-time project or event-based charitable contributions.) Often NGOs are forced to accept funding for projects that are not in line with their mission, values, or principles; the project requirements are often determined by the donor’s agenda, and this greatly affects credibility of the organization. Armenia’s state budget allocates some funds for NGOs on a competitive basis.

Lack of transparency and accountability is another issue facing NGOs, which generally do not produce and disseminate annual reports and financial statements. The majority of NGOs claim that their financial information is publicly available; yet, on closer inspection, it becomes clear that they rarely report to their beneficiaries when it comes to the finances and the quality of their work. The majority of Armenian NGOs think that the preparation of reports requires additional financial expenditure. Reporting of finances and activities would improve the public’s perception of NGOs.

Effectiveness

One of the underlying causes of civil society’s weak effect on policy and social issues is that NGOs have failed to extend their outreach and rally greater support and higher levels of citizen participation in their activities.

Long-term financial insecurity stands as another hindrance to the number of CSO’s in Armenia. NGOs have relied solely or predominantly on international donor funding, without diversifying their income sources or developing a long-term strategy to change this situation. As a result, the instability of work in the NGO sector has not attracted young specialists.

Increasing the professional skills of CSOs through trainings and staff development could help strengthen the level of organizational development and achievement. What is critical is focusing on staff retention, as well as establishing a culture of information sharing and knowledge transfer.

Fragmentation and competition among NGOs occur frequently, resulting in an ineffective system for Armenian CSOs. Because of limited coordination among NGOs, the sector lacks updated information and a database of NGOs. This creates an inadequate picture of these organizations and, consequently, gives people a poor perception of NGOs. This also affects the ability of NGOs to influence the decision-making process in the public sphere.

Some issues facing civil society include a short-term approach, lack of strategic thinking, clustering around pro-government or opposition groups, and poor organizational capacity. In order to increase citizen participation and sponsorship, NGOs must realize that they should be deriving their legitimacy from society, as they depend on popular support. Increased transparency and accountability are vital to support this action. This includes reporting to beneficiaries just as they do to funders, and presenting an inclusive account of all aspects of their activities. Improvements in these fields will contribute to increased levels of trust with the civil society sector and the broader society, and will foster increased citizen participation.

Sources

Civil Society Briefs, Asian Development Bank, Armenia Resident Mission, November 2011.

Armenian Civil Society: From Transition to Consolidation, CIVICUS, Civil Society Index Policy Action Brief, 2010.

The Professionals for Civil Society NGO, database of NGOs, World Learning, Inc.

ISTANBUL, Turkey (A.W.)—On Dec. 25, 2013, Istanbul’s Aras Publishing published the Turkish translation of Hagop L. Barsoumian’s The Armenian Amira Class of Istanbul (İstanbul’un Ermeni Amiralar Sınıfı, in Turkish). Human rights activist Ayse Gunaysu, who is also a professional translator and a columnist for the Armenian Weekly, edited the book and prepared it for publication.

Cover of the Turkish translation of The Armenian Amira Class of Istanbul

Originally published by the American University of Armenia (AUA) in 2007, The Armenian Amira Class of Istanbul was Barsoumian’s 1980 doctoral dissertation at Columbia University.

The book opens with a heartfelt tribute to the author by his wife, Anais, who brought about the publication 21 years after Hagop Barsoumian’s disappearance during the Lebanese civil war in 1986.

Khachig Tololyan, professor of English and chair of the English department at Wesleyan University, and a longtime friend of the author, notes in the preface, “At the time of its completion around 1979 it was, as it remains now, the most thorough study of the Armenian amiras of the Ottoman Empire.”

The Armenian Amira Class of Istanbul provides the story of the powerful elite group known as the amiras, tracing their rise, dominance, and, ultimately, decline. Barsoumian’s research also draws the genealogical connections between these elite families, and the role these relationships played in maintaining power.

“No one has done this for the amiras with anything remotely approaching Barsoumian’s thoroughness. His grasp of these connections of descent and marriage enables him to write confidently about the ways in which a dominant elite constructed and sustained itself,” writes Tololyan.

Born in Aleppo in 1936 to Ayntabtsi parents and genocide survivors, Barsoumian attended the Karen Jeppe Jemaran. In 1960, he settled in the San Francisco, Calif. He attended San Francisco State College, where he earned a B.S. (1964), followed by an M.A. (1969) in international trade, focusing on the European common market. In 1972, he relocated to New York. In 1975, he earned another M.A. in Middle East history from New York University and, five years later, earned his Ph.D. from Columbia University in Ottoman history. Barsoumian then moved to Beirut, where he taught history and Middle East politics at Haigazian University. On Jan. 31, 1986, he was kidnapped, and was not seen again.

As I write this (Dec. 11, 2013), we now stand 500 days from April 24, 2015. One hundred years ago, babies were born, couples married, and there was no idea that life in Western Armenia would change forever in 500 days.

The Sourp Krikor Lusavorich Church in Gesaria (Photo by George Aghjayan)

Some may say it ended, but that implies the presence of Armenians on those lands will never return. I do not believe that.

As far as I know, only records from one Armenian Apostolic church outside of Istanbul exist from the pre-genocide period: the records of Sourp Krikor Lusavorich in Gesaria (Kayseri). Beginning with this issue in the Armenian Weekly, a counter indicating the number of days remaining to April 24, 2015 and a list of those children baptized in this church during the same week 100 years ago, will be posted.

I wished to provide some additional information about the families of these children baptized a century ago in Gesaria. Unfortunately, the few sources I have do not offer such stories. It will have to wait for either another week or maybe for some reader that has such information.

Regardless, it is appropriate to reflect not on dry statistics but on the children born into a tempest and the trauma they and their families were about to endure.

I only ask that you turn that reflection into action!

 

• Calendars

 Gesaria Baptisms 1913 – 1915

Every month, we will update the list of baptisms with ones that occurred a hundred years ago on that same month.