Twenty five years ago, on December 7, 1988, a catastrophic earthquake ripped through Armenia, decimating the town of Spitak and surrounding areas. The quake left more than 25,000 people dead, 15,000 injured, 517,000 homeless, and $14.2 billion in economic damage.

This year, on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the earthquake, a coalition of organizations came together under the auspices of Oxfam in Armenia to remember the victims of that tragedy and overcome the potential risks posed by such natural disasters.

But the horror of that day was just as much a result of human negligence as it was natural causes. International experts concluded that poor building construction, a lack of emergency planning, and inadequate medical care were the main factors behind the earthquake’s devastation.

This year, on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the earthquake, a coalition of organizations came together under the auspices of Oxfam in Armenia to remember the victims of that tragedy and overcome the potential risks posed by such natural disasters.

“I was only 13 years old and going to school in Gyumri when the devastating earthquake took place,” says Zaruhi Tonoyan, Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) Program Officer for Oxfam. “I lost my sister that day. We walked to school together but, unfortunately, never met again.”

Mrs.Tonoyan explains that many people, whether administrators or students, simply did not know what to do back then. “By raising awareness on disaster risk reduction, you automatically protect yourself,” she stresses, “and I am thankful that, today, I can contribute to making our communities less vulnerable to natural disasters.”

On December 6, the Support to Communities NGO teamed up with Oxfam to commemorate the earthquake anniversary with an emergency drill in the Vayots Dzor community of Arpi. Working in conjunction with the regional rescue department and volunteer community emergency groups, the exercise involved the entire community in a mock earthquake scenario. Residents directly played out how they would act during such an emergency, carrying out evacuation plans, implementing first aid, assisting trapped victims, and putting out fires.

They also worked with Oxfam on a local level, especially with women and youth, to spread awareness and prepare communities to withstand natural disasters. They have organized safety seminars in schools, disseminated information, formed voluntary rescue groups, conducted simulations and worked with local governments on risk assessments and disaster management.

Other organizations such as the Armenian Young Women Association (AYWA) and Foundation Against the Violation of Law (FAVL) have also established green laboratories (houses) in ten communities throughout Vayots Dzor province: Areni, Agarakadzor, Artabuynk, Arpi, Chiva, Horbategh, Martiros, Getap, Yelpin, and Khatchik. These green labs provide a source of non-traditional, resilient crops for local communities to grow and withstand hazardous climatic conditions. A culminating event will be held on December 12 to present their crop yields and overview their activities throughout 2013.

Such climate adaptation measures are particularly important given the scale of changes to the earth’s atmosphere.  As a new report by the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) indicates, human activity is leading to higher temperatures, rising sea levels, and a greater frequency of meteorological hazards. For Armenia—a country whose agricultural sector has been ravaged by hailstorms, floods, and mudslides—such changing conditions pose dangerous risks.

Furthermore, experience has shown that inequality greatly exacerbates the damage of disaster. The affluent tend to be protected from risks while the less fortunate often bear the brunt of natural catastrophes. It is for this reason that Oxfam and its partner organizations have worked to address the needs of the most vulnerable populations, including rural farmers, women, young people, and the elderly.

In any given year, Armenia faces a 20% chance of a major disaster. This is due not only to its location on a major seismic belt but also to its mountainous terrain. Taking preventive steps to make communities resistant against such risks is both the morally and economically right thing to do. Investing right now in proper infrastructure and risk consciousness will pay off down the line when communities are in less need of rebuilding and international disaster relief.

The 25^th anniversary of the Spitak Earthquake should remind us all of the importance of being resilient and prepared in the face of natural catastrophe. If we truly want to commemorate that horrible tragedy, we should not repeat the mistakes of 1988. We should support the grassroots work being done to strengthen the capacity of communities to deal with disaster risk in Armenia while advocating on the national level to review policies and mainstream DRR procedures accordingly.

I was born three years after the earthquake, in the city in ruin, in the so-called “Zone of the Catastrophe.” My earliest memories are those of a grey city in the winter, and of water-less, electricity-less temporary housing units filled with the warmth of stoves that consumed everything from wood flooring to paper volumes of the Big Soviet Encyclopedia.

I was born three years after the earthquake, in the city in ruin, in the so-called “Zone of the Catastrophe.”

Running water, electricity, and housing did eventually return to most of the city, but we still lived in what seemed like a ghost town, and our parents still oriented themselves around landmarks that no longer existed. We grew up in the shadows of Gyumri’s once colossal factories whose equipment was sold as scrap metal and whose facades stood as reminders of the city’s former glory.

Every year on that gloomy December day, a high-ranking delegation would visit to lay a wreath at the memorial, as if to reassure us that we were not forgotten and that our city’s scar was being mended. I, the kid of the ruin, the son of those who watched as everything they held dear to their hearts turned into a pile of rubble in seconds, have been formed by that scar.

Because of this harsh economic situation, many families, including my own, did not have the necessary means to travel and see Armenia. I never swam in Sevan, never gazed at Ararat from the Khor Virap, never saw the beauty of Dilijan or the majesty of Shushi. Instead, I grew up wondering why: Why was Yerevan growing and becoming a European metropolis, while two hours away Gyumri was still “recovering” 10-15 years after the earthquake? As that never-ending recovery kept diminishing my parents’ hopes for us, and for a bright future, my family decided to relocate to the United States. Since then, I have not been able to return to Armenia. In a way, Gyumri has been all the Armenia I ever really got to know.

I am not in Gyumri. I am no longer a direct part of its struggle. But the sense that I, as thousands like me, have abandoned our city, is with me even today, miles and years away.

In the end, among all those grey memories, is a “sunny” one: In it, I’m walking from the city park to the main square, holding my parents’ hands, while passing by historic buildings with their heavy black walls. There they stood, as if mourning, not with loud cries but with an old man’s silence, full of wisdom, knowing that calamities come and go, knowing what Gyumri was and what Gyumri is. And that it is only a matter of time before its sons and daughters find their way back.

LOS ANGELES—The ANCA Grassroots Conference and the Annual Banquet brought together more than 1,400 supporters of the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) Western Region for the weekend-long conference and banquet held at the Loews Hollywood Hotel and the adjacent Roy Dolby Ballroom.

A scene from the Grassroots Conference

The weekend events kicked off Fri., Nov. 29, with the 2013 ANCA Grassroots Conference, which brought together artists, academics, legal experts, and political officials for a three-day discussion of issues of importance to the pursuit of the Armenian Cause.

ANCA Grassroots featured four panels—Film & Arts; Homeland-Diaspora; Western Armenia; and Transnational Justice—and two workshops—Hye Votes and iZartonk. On Sunday, ANCA Grassroots hosted the groundbreaking Hye Tad Global Initiative, which brought together six ANC leaders from the Middle East, Armenia, Europe, Australia, South America, and Canada who shared their perspectives live via Google Hangouts linking the global “Hye Tad” efforts via the internet.

This year’s ANCA-WR Annual Banquet was held at the Roy Dolby Ballroom, home to the Academy Awards Governor’s Ball, and featured a special menu by celebrity chef Wolfgang Puck.

Archbishop Parkev Martirosyan receives “Khrimian Hayrig” Award.

The ANCA-WR honored Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti with its “Man of the Year” Award; Primate of the Diocese of Artsakh, Archbishop Parkev Martirosyan with its “Khrimian Hayrig” Award; legendary coach Jerry Tarkanian with its “People’s Champion” Award; California State Assemblyman Khatcho Achajian with its “Legislator of the Year” Award; Ara Soudjian with its “Vahan Cardashian” Award; and Manas Boujikian with its coveted “Legacy” Award.

Last week the ANCA-WR announced the Ghailian family as the 2013 ANCA-WR Annual Banquet sponsor. “Philanthropy is a cornerstone of the Ghailian family, which includes Mr. and Mrs. Charles and Julia Ghailian, Mr. and Mrs. Carlo and Gisella Ghailian, Mr. and Mrs. Angelo and Lori Ghailian, and Miss Monica Ghailian,” said the ANCA-WR in announcing the generous sponsorship.

Special to the Armenian Weekly

DIYARBAKIR (A.W.)–The man was eavesdropping, it was obvious. Suren and I had sat down on the other side of the bench, backs to the Ayasofya, staring up into the minarets of the Blue Mosque. Suren was explaining the meaning of the word “axper” in English for my benefit.

The journalists with Diyarbakir Metropolitan Mayor Osman Baydemir.

“It means, like, brother, you know.”

I was only half focused on what he was saying. In my peripheral vision, I was monitoring the man to our left, whose posture had gone from that of relaxation to one of intense concentration. When the conversation hit a lull, he finally spoke.

“Excuse me—sorry—you are Armenian?”

Regarding him cautiously, we nodded.

His face brightened in a massive grin. “Me too! Me too!” he exclaimed, jabbing his chest with his index finger for emphasis. “Where are you from?”

“Yerevan, and Boston,” Suren said, gesturing at me.

“I am from Sasun,” the man said, fishing his ID out of his jacket pocket. He passed it to us. His name was Turkish, the religious affiliation listed was Christianity. Pointing at it, he elaborated. “Many of my family, my father, some brothers, still Muslim. But me, no. We live in Sasun a long time, but now I am here, with my brother, we have jewelry store near Grand Bazaar. I was this week at a conference about the Armenians in Turkey, I show you…” His hand darted back into the jacket pocket and produced a brochure from the Hrant Dink Foundation’s conference earlier that week at Istanbul’s Bogazici University.

It was the same Hrant Dink Foundation that had brought me, Suren, and eight other Armenian journalists to Istanbul for a week-long program. One of the central events of the week was the conference on Islamized Armenians, the first of its kind held in Turkey. When the Foundation had attempted to hold it several years earlier, government pressure had forced it to be held at a private university, and the event was substantially disrupted by protesters. This year it was hugely successful—held as planned at Bogazici University and with three times as many attendees registered as the venue could hold.

The journalists with Diyarbakir Sur Municipality Mayor Abdullah Demirbas

The issue of Islamized Armenians was one that followed us as we traveled through Turkey on our week-long program. We spent two days in Diyarbakir, the second-largest city in southeast Anatolia, and the most important city in the Kurdish region of Turkey. We met with the city’s mayor, Osman Baydemir, as well as with the mayor of the central Sur municipality, Abdullah Demirbaş.

The two politicians, both members of the Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (the BDP), are highly conscious of the Armenian presence that has laced the past and present of their city. “Welcome to your city” was a refrain repeated several times over the two days spent in Diyarbakir, a reference to the sizable Armenian community that existed in Diyarbakir up until 1915. Demirbaş elaborated, “I believe that we have the duty to once again give back to the city the identities which originally belonged to this city. And the Armenian identity is also one of these identities, one of these cultures that belongs to this geography.”

These are not empty promises. Demirbaş has initiated the printing of multi-lingual brochures about the city, including one in Armenian; instituted an Armenian-language course that now has between 70 and 80 people enrolled; and recently mandated that any city employee be able to speak one of the region’s primary minority languages (Armenian or the Assyrian/Chaldean languages) in addition to Turkish. A memorial has been erected in Sur to the victims of the genocides against minority populations and the Turkish citizens who resisted the violence, bearing the inscription, “We share the pain so that it is not repeated,” in Armenian and six other languages.

These initiatives are all firsts for Turkey, and they have come at no small price. Demirbaş’s son left home at the age of 16 to join the PKK. Demirbaş has been imprisoned before, and further sentences are an ever-looming threat due to his policies. He explained, “Because of this and similar activities, the judiciary is demanding that I be sentenced to prison for 483 years. I was imprisoned before, they released me due to health reasons, otherwise I would still be in prison right now because my friends are still in prison… I was forced to resign in 2007 as mayor and I was forced to resign in 2001 from my post as a teacher. So it is not really easy dealing with these issues… [But] let alone 483 years, even if they condemned me to 1,483 years of prison, I would still not give up, I would not abandon what I believe in. Of course there have been threats, there have been certain assassination attempts towards me, but I will not give up, as I said, I will not forsake what I believe in.”

Demirbaş lives an uncertain existence. His current trial continues, but even an acquittal would be no guarantee of freedom. “They can come again tomorrow morning and take me to prison. I do not have any guarantees that they will not try to do that. But I am prepared for that, this is always on the table. There is always a possibility that they might do this. But I am not scared of them taking me to prison, I’m not scared of them killing me. Because of what I believe in, my beliefs, I know that my beliefs are just, I know that what I believe in is right. And I think that if you do not risk losing, you will never be able to win…and if we do not do this now, if we do not take these risks, our children they will not live in a free world, in a free country.”

Such risks are a part of Osman Baydemir’s family history. He recounted the story of his father, Mehmet, to us:

The year is 1914, in a little village in Diyarbakir, and a woman named Asya takes her son Mehmet out into the courtyard of their house… It’s cold, and night has started to fall. Suddenly, a crowd of people, men, women, and children, throw themselves into the courtyard from the roof. Mehmet and his mother Asya scream and run back into the house. Pasha, Mehmet’s father, grabs his gun and runs back outside. Out of the darkness there is a hand that grabs and stops Pasha. The voice of that hand says in Kurdish, “Brother, don’t do this. We might have different religions but we have the same god, so don’t do this.” Pasha accepts the group, an Armenian family fleeing the violence of the genocide, into his house and conceals them there for more than a year. After a year passes and the environment is somewhat calmer, he and some friends help them to cross into Syria.

The interior of the Sourp Giragos Armenian Church in Diyarbakir (Photo by George Aghjayan)

Many years pass. Mehmet, Pasha’s son, grows up and becomes criminalized by the state. He is forced to escape into one of the Kurdish regions of Syria with his wife. They continue with border crossings, engaged in both smuggling and political activities, until one day there is a conflict at the border. Mehmet is wounded in the foot, but his friends are unable to find him until a day later. By the time he reaches a doctor, the foot is infected with gangrene. The doctor informs him that his foot will have to be amputated. Mehmet violently rejects this proposal and the doctor becomes angry with him. “You’re a very hard man, you don’t understand, you’re a very thick-headed man. Where are you from?”

Mehmet tells him he is from Diyarbakir.

“From which village?” the doctor asks. Mehmet names the village.

The doctor takes Mehmet’s hand. “Who is your father?”

“I’m Pasha’s son,” Mehmet replies.

The doctor’s tone softens. “Do you remember me?”

“No, I don’t.”

“I’m Agop. Remember we used to play in the courtyard together?” The doctor is the son of the Armenian family that was hidden by Mehmet’s father for over a year during Mehmet’s childhood. After escaping to Syria with his family, he had grown up and become a doctor. Their destinies met once more that day in Syria.

“I am Mehmet’s son,” Baydemir declared at the end of the narrative. “But no longer do we have the chance to listen to the first-generation Mehmets…” Meanwhile, Agop decided not to amputate Mehmet’s foot, declaring instead that he could heal it. Mehmet’s foot healed, but when he began to walk again, the injured foot was slightly shorter than the intact one, causing him to limp. Sometimes he’d joke with us, ‘This is Brother Agop’s product. My foot is 1.5 centimeters too short.’”

Baydemir offers far more than romantic anecdotes. Like Demirbaş, he has been subjected to numerous court proceedings and death threats. In February 2004, Amnesty International published a report that noted the Turkish government’s strategy of initiating excessive and overwhelming court proceedings against human rights defenders, and the state’s campaign against Osman Baydemir was the prime example cited.

It is under the tenure of Baydemir and Demirbaş that the Sourp Giragos Armenian Church in Diyarbakir has been restored. Re-opened for worship in November 2012, Sourp Giragos is the largest Armenian church in the Middle East. Its caretaker, Armen Demirciyan, is an Islamized Armenian. He changed his name from a Turkish one back to an Armenian one, but has remained Muslim. We sat drinking tea outside the church as he explained the complexities of excavating one’s identity from the dust of history. “We are still Muslims,” he said, gesturing to a younger Islamized Armenian man sitting beside him. “No, I’m an atheist,” his friend corrected.

Identities here are hybridized and half-hidden. While many Islamized Armenians have recently been emboldened to reveal their heritage, many more remain intimidated by the potential consequences. Demirbaş had reflected on this situation in our conversation with him. “In 2004, that’s when I started my duty as mayor of Sur, there were only two people in Diyarbakir who called themselves Armenian… Right now, there are at least 200 people in Sur who say either that they are Armenian, or that they have an Armenian person in their family. I think that the real number is much higher.”

The real number, like most other things in the region, is uncertain. It is easy to be buoyed by the progress that can be seen in Diyarbakir and in segments of post-Gezi Istanbul. Of course, Istanbul is not Trabzon. For every conclusion one tries to draw about Turkish society today vis-à-vis Armenia, contradictions spring up like heads on a hydra. The temptation from a distance is to see Turkey as a monolith, united in antipathy against Armenia and her people. It is far more difficult to navigate the nuances of Turkish society and politics, but it is in the nuances that our best hopes lie.

It is out of the nuances that our people re-emerge, re-claiming their names. The simplistic dichotomy of “us” versus “them” distorts upon closer inspection. For we are here too; represented in the kind guardian of the Sourp Giragos, in the skilled craftsmen weighing the gold in the Grand Bazaar, and in the man sitting alone on a bench in Sultanahmet Square, waiting for his people to arrive.

GLENVIEW, Ill. (A.W.)—On the occasion of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation’s (ARF) 123^rd anniversary, the film “Garegin Njdeh” was shown on Saturday evening, Nov. 23, in Glenview at the Armenian Community Center’s Shahnasarian Hall, followed by a reception. The Chicago “Christapor” Chapter of the ARF and the Chicago chapter of the Hamazkayin Armenian Educational and Cultural Society sponsored the event.

Photo: Courtesy of Alice Varjabedian (daughter of Hovagim Hovagimian)

The film, with English subtitles and an array of outstanding actors and actresses, delved not only into the life of a great national hero but also into a nation’s struggle for self-determination. Filmed in Armenia, Russia, Poland, and France, the poignant and beautifully produced motion picture was written by Krist Manaryan and produced and directed by Hrach Keshishyan. The cinematographer was Mkrtich Malkhasyan.

The name Garegin Njdeh had been introduced to the Armenian community of Chicago before, not in a film or in the song “Garegin Njdehi Yerku,” but during a lecture he had given in the fall of 1933 at a meeting of the Chicago chapter of the Armenian Relief Society (ARS). The lecture was titled, “The Woman’s Role and Obligation.” The following are a few quotes from Njdeh’s lecture:

“A people is nothing but the spiritual expression of woman… A people, in whose life the woman has no role, has no future… It is indispensable that the Armenian remain Armenian outside of Armenia. Within and outside of Armenia, the woman’s role must be to spread and inspire the concept of Fatherland… The Armenian mother is the one who must instill belief, strength, and pride in the soul of the race… The nation that looks down is not a nation. The one that looks up sees ahead… As long as the world pities us, we shall remain slaves…”

The late Hovagim Hovagimian (the son of Archpriest Karekin Hovagimian, the Chicagoland and Wisconsin Armenian communities’ first priest, serving during the 1920’s to 1930’s), a long-time correspondent and contributor to the Armenian-language newspaper Hairenik and an active member of the ARF’s Chicago chapter, wrote of the momentous event, which was published in the Hairenik on Nov. 18, 1933.

Hovagimian’s meeting with Njdeh in Chicago had not been his first. They had initially met in Yerevan at the end of 1915, when Hovagimian was serving in the Reserve Regiment in Nork and in the Fifth Brigade led by Vartan, the hero of Khanasor. In his memoirs, Hovagimian had written of Njdeh, “He wore a Bulgarian officer’s uniform and conducted the drills of the Armenian volunteers in Nork… He was accessible to everyone, modest and sociable… He hated pretense… He had a cultured and thoughtful mind, and he was a great and inspiring orator. He was the model of an indefatigable, selfless, and patriotic soldier of the Armenian World…”

During Njdeh’s visit to Chicago, he stayed at the home of Mr. and Mrs. Hovagim and Vergine Hovagimian. Years later, upon hearing of Njdeh’s death, Hovagimian had written, “ Caught up with sad memories, we (he and his family) often glance up at a pair of Italian flower pots, which were given to us by Unger Njdeh, and see them as mementoes full of Armenian spirit… Incense and Blessing be his immortal memory.”

General Garegin Njdeh Ter Harutyunyan, the great revolutionary and national hero, political activist, military leader, and founder of the Armenian youth group called the Tseghagron—renamed the Armenian Youth Federation (AYF) in 1933—offered the ultimate gift to his beloved Armenian nation: his life. Often just called Njdeh, which means “pilgrim” in Armenian, his life was a journey of exalted purpose.

The youngest of four children, he was born in the village of Kznut in Nakhichevan, Armenia, in the winter of 1886. He was the son of a priest, Ter (Father) Yeghishe, who it is believed was poisoned at a wedding. His widowed mother, Yeretsgeen (wife of a priest) Dirouhi, raised their four children.

Witnessing the oppression and aggression that befell his people again and again, and their defense of life, home, and land, at the age of 17 Njdeh joined the Armenian liberation movement. He studied law in St. Petersburg, Russia, and continued his education at the military college in Bulgaria. In 1948, Njdeh was taken into custody as a political prisoner by the Soviet government and sentenced to serve 25 years in prison. He died in Vladimir prison in Vladimir, Russia, in the winter of 1955 and was buried in the prison yard.

In the summer of 1983, his family secretly arranged to have his remains moved to Armenia, where he was laid to rest at Spitakavor Church, near Yeghegnadzor, located near the foot of the Zangezur mountain range—his beloved mountains—with some of his remains buried on the slopes of Mt. Khustup near Kapan.

Garegin Njdeh—“Incense and Blessing be his immortal memory.”

Special to the Armenian Weekly

In 2005, a Turkish workman named Murat finds a dusty postcard hidden behind the wooden panels of a wall in an old house in south-central Turkey, in the city of Antep (Gaziantep).

Image of the postcard found in the wall of an Armenian home in Ayntap: Heghine, the widow of Kevork Chavoush, with Mauser handgun in her right hand and a shortened-barrel (or stage prop) Mosin rifle in her left

On the front of the postcard is the black-and-white image of a woman in a long black dress; she’s holding a handgun in her right hand and a rifle in her left. Bandoliers are wrapped across her chest and around her waist. Nearly lost among the bullets and leather is a round brooch or medallion above her left breast.

In English, at bottom-left, is an embossed signature, “M. H. Halladjian,” and at bottom-right is a place name, “Aintab Asia-Minor.” On the back of the postcard is handwriting in a language that’s alien to Murat; only a part of a date is comprehensible: 1910.

* * *

Halfway through the first week of a draining two-week “pilgrimage” through historic Armenia, on May 26, 2013, our group of 12 Armenian “pilgrims” arrives in Antep (Ayntap, or Aintab, in Armenian). Our guide, Armen Aroyan, explains that the city was renamed Gaziantep—”Heroic Antep”—for having repulsed British and French armed forces in 1921, during the war of “liberation” that resulted in the founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923.

As we drive through the city, it seems vaguely familiar, though I’ve never been here before. I can see parts of Beirut and Aleppo in both the old and the new buildings, the dusty cobblestoned streets, the small shops lining them.

Our van pulls up to an imposing structure overlooking a main street. It’s the Sourp Asdvadzadzin (“Holy Mother of God”) Church, built in 1892, now converted to a mosque and renamed Kurtuluş Camii (“Liberation” mosque), Armen explains. After the long drive from Musa Dagh in our brand new Mercedes passenger van, we gladly begin to exit. My son, Garin Shant, my youngest, bounds out like a falcon fleeing a gilded cage; others, including my father, move out wearily, stretching old muscles that have grown accustomed to the inertia of sitting and waiting. All of us gradually make our way up, toward the church-mosque.

Using a magnifying glass, one is able to almost fully make out Heghine’s medallion/brooch, of a coat of arms consisting of a banner, on top of which are assembled a sword, feather pen, and spade, and three Armenian initials below them: Հ Յ Դ. (A.R.F.)

The wooden doors on the side of the building, facing us, are locked. The members of the group move on in various directions around the building, taking pictures. I walk to the “front” of the church-mosque, toward a wide walkway/courtyard overlooking the street; I’m actually at the back of the church, behind the altar, I find out later. Leaning against the railing I look over the edge. Across the street, I can see half-standing ruins of large houses with red clay roof tiles, and I notice a small, cross-shaped opening or window—then another. Considering their proximity to the church, and their grand size, they must be formerly Armenian-owned homes, I think to myself. I take pictures of them with my iPhone, knowing full well that I am too far to be able to capture the images of the windows.

I hear, then see, a small old man off to the side, behind me, sweeping the ground. His faded, oft-torn and oft-mended clothes hang loosely on his small frame; his shoes, too, are worn. For a split second I think he’s wearing a shalvar and pabuches.

He sweeps seemingly in slow motion, in half-hearted, incomplete strokes; just as likely, he’s simply too old, his range of motion limited, his limbs atrophied and no longer limber. I greet him with my nearly nonexistent Turkish and try to ask whether the mosque is open.

He motions that I follow… He’s dealt with tourists before. I follow. His pace is maddeningly slow. He doesn’t walk. He shuffles. Haltingly. I slow my pace to match his; he has the key, after all. And I don’t want to be rude, to imply with eager steps that he should walk more quickly. But I’m restless—have been for the entire trip so far—as if wanting to quickly reach the next place, then the next and the next, but also wanting to stay, absorb the essence of each site, to feel a part of it. Yet I can do neither.

Eventually, the old man reaches the wooden doors, in the meantime having built a small following of pilgrims curious to see what lies within the church-mosque. The doors creak and slowly swing open. The old man steps in, takes off his dusty shoes, and places them on a rack. We follow him in and take off our shoes, too.

Hand-written Armenian text behind the postcard discovered in the wall of an Armenian home in Ayntap

We make our way around a partition to enter the church-mosque proper and are immediately confronted by the overwhelming red of an overly large Turkish flag dominating the wall in front of us, the only thing of color in relatively stark surroundings, though the interior of the church is beautiful. The oriental carpet beneath our stockinged feet makes the space seem tolerable, hospitable.

I immediately begin to walk along the walls, looking up and down for a remnant of anything Armenian, as I’ve done throughout the trip. (And, if I’m to be honest, as I’ve done all my life, pretty much everywhere I go. I suppose that’s what happens when one’s sense of home feels fragile and hazy.)

I find nothing on the cold walls of the church-mosque. Until I look up, high above what used to be the altar, above yet another large Turkish flag, and notice a medallion-shaped…something. The abandoned altar is too dark, and I can’t tell what the shape contains because what had once been there has eroded with time, or it has been intentionally chipped away. It’s even possible that it had contained nothing in particular, I think, then quickly dismiss it.

I take a few pictures, again knowing that I likely wouldn’t be able to capture a clear-enough image of what had once been there. Only after I place the iPhone in my pocket does the thought occur to me: Many Armenian churches have the figure of a dove or the letter “Է” above the altar—signifying, respectively, the Holy Spirit and God. Whichever had been there, the presence of neither seems very apparent now in the church-mosque.

Murad, who discovered the postcard of Kevork Chavoush’s widow and subsequently translated Ayntapi Goyamarde from Armenian to Turkish

Normally, I wouldn’t feel great affinity toward a religious symbol—Christian, Armenian, or otherwise. But in its current, altered state, that empty medallion shape elicits…what? Resentment? Loss? Anger? Frustration? Sorrow? Those and much more that I cannot name, or probably even comprehend.

No wonder ancient (and not so ancient) cultures have assigned and ascribed so much power to symbols, amulets, and other talismanic objects, believing they hold power in, and influence over, the physical world.

They affect thought. And so they effect change.

In this case, it is the absence of an object—rather, the existence of a mere hint of it—that casts a powerful presence, substantiating what I sense and feel and know: that this building is not now what it once was, that what it is now isn’t really what it is, or is made to seem to be.

Every molecule of every remaining inanimate object of Historic Armenia is a microcosm of immense loss, massive erasure, and a brutal re-rendering of reality.

* * *

A stranger has joined us in the church-mosque. Armen introduces a few of us to an Antep native, Murad, a tall, thin, mustachioed Turk with dark hair tied back into a ponytail. He seems at once laid back and intense—the type who subsists on coffee and cigarettes. Apparently he and Armen are old friends. They do some catching up, discussing pictures of old Armenian homes that Murad has recently emailed to Armen.

At some point, standing in the middle of the church-mosque, Murad takes out some papers from his bag. A few of us gather around as he explains, in English, about a project he’s been working on. The papers are photocopied pages of an Armenian book, Ayntapi Goyamarde (“Ayntap’s Battle for Survival”) about the Armenian battles of self-defense against Turkish attacks in 1920-21. The author is A. Kesar, and the book was published in 1945, in Boston, by the Hairenik Press. I was once an editor at the Hairenik, I point out, surprised, never imagining that I would come across anything in the middle of Ayntap that would remind me of my long years in the Hairenik building in Watertown, Mass.

The Sourp Asdvadzadzin Church of Aintab, now converted to a mosque, Kurtuluş Camii

The cover page has notes in Turkish and English scribbled over and around the title. Murad flips through some pages, and we see how nearly every millimeter of white space between the lines of printed Armenian text contains handwritten Turkish. Murad explains that he has taught himself the Armenian alphabet, and with the help of dictionaries he’s been translating the Armenian text into Turkish so that he may learn the untaught history of his hometown.

I’m incredulous: Really? Why? How? A Turk learning Armenian so that he could translate the Armenian view of events in his “heroic” hometown nearly a century earlier?

The setting—an Armenian church seized and converted into a Turkish mosque and ironically renamed “liberation”—makes the proposition seem even more surreal: A Turk who is, in essence, “converting” Armenian text into Turkish. But now the intent is to reveal, not obscure, to reclaim, to name things as they are. To liberate.

Murad, an electrical engineer by training, tells us some of the back-story. The following is the version he emailed to me a couple of months after we’d met:

“Once upon a time I was a house restorer. At that time, I did not have sufficient information about the original (Armenian) owner of the buildings. I’d only have information on the owners after 1923, when the Turkish Republic was declared. During the restoration of an old house in the Kayajik region [of Antep], we had to restore some wooden parts of the house. The house had seven rooms and a big living room. I started to work in a small room on the first floor of the house. The architectural style of that room was that all of the walls were covered with wood, but unfortunately most of the wood was destroyed by the effect of humidity. For this reason, we decided to renovate all the wooden parts of this room. But we had to be careful when removing the old wood because the limestone under the wood could be damaged.

The altar of Sourp Asdvadzadzin Church, Ayntap

“When I started the removing operation, I found a picture between the limestone of the wall and the wooden part. First, I thought it was an ordinary paper, but when I looked it carefully I noticed that it is a photograph covered by dust. When I cleaned the dust, I saw a young woman with arms [weapons] and I could read, ‘Aintab Asia-Minor’ and ‘M.H. Halladjian.’ I thought most probably M.H.H. was a photographer and this is a very old photo. When I looked the back side, I could read only ‘21…1910.’

“As you can guess, I could not read the other parts of the writing. I thought the writing is in the Arabic language because at that time Ottomans used Arabic letters for writing. When I asked a friend who knows Arabic, he said, ‘This writing is not Arabic, it could be the Armenian language.’ Later, I met a family [of Armenians] who visited Antep, and they translated the writing.

Transliteration (in Western Armenian)

Hankoutsial heros Kevork Chavoushi

Digin ayri Heghine.

 =

Mer hishadagi nvere asd[?]

Diar Hovhannes yev

Digin Piranian

21 Houlis 1910 H.H.T.

Aintab

Medallion-shaped architectural molding above the altar of Sourp Asdvadzadzin Church, Ayntap

The English translation

Deceased hero Kevork Chavoush’s

Wife, the widow Heghine.

 =

Our memento this/here[?]

Mr. Hovhannes and

Mrs. Piranian

21 July 1910 A.R.F.

Ayntap

“Before the translation, I had one question: ‘Who was M.H. Halladjian?’ But after the translation, I had more than five questions. ‘Who were these women and men?’ Then, I decided to search for the history of Antep. These [events] happened in 2005.

Kevork Chavoush

“Later, I met with Armen Aroyan, and he gave a Xerox copy of the book K. Sarafian’s Brief History of Aintab. After reading that book, I decided to learn the Armenian language, because the history of Antep can not be researched and understood without the Armenian language. Now I can read, and with the help of a dictionary I can understand Armenian.”

* * *

The Murat of 2005 had become the Murad we met in 2013 at the Sourp Asdvadzadzin Church/Liberation mosque of Ayntap/Aintab, Antep/Gaziantep. At some point, I find out later from a mutual friend, he had changed the spelling of his name.

I’m not certain why. But I know it has something to do with people, places, and things.

PROVIDENCE, R.I.—An overflow crowd of 175 people filled Aramian Auditorium on Sat., Dec. 7, as the Providence “Kristapor” Gomideh and its members celebrated the 123rd year of the organization by honoring three hamagirs of this community.

Hagop Khatchadourian, Maro Dionisopoulos, Anto Mesrobian, and Hagop Donoyan

The program began with a brief message of appreciation from Providence Chairman Hagop Donoyan. Dalita Getzoyan sang the national anthem and Minar Tarpinian sang “Mer Hairenik” and “Mshag Panvor.”

Garo Tashian, who served as the emcee of the evening, introduced George Aghjayan as the guest speaker. Aghjayan was raised in the Providence community and served on the Central Committee of the Eastern Region of the ARF, an organization that has worked faithfully as the parent organization of the Armenian Relief Society (ARS), Armenian Youth Federation, Hamazkayin, and Homenetmen chapters throughout the world, for the ultimate goal of a free, independent, and united Armenia.

Andrew Bagdasarian read the impressive personal bios of Maro Dioinisopoulos (ARS), Hagop Khatchadourian (Homenetmen) and Anto Mesrobian. All three have been active in the Providence community for their entire lives, and are prime examples of where the strength of the community comes from. They humbly received plaques from the committee and delivered brief remarks to the audience.

Arch Priest Gomidas Baghsarian provided the invocation representing the Sts. Vartanantz Church community before a losh kebab dinner was served. The entertainment portion of the program began with a wonderful performance of Armenian classical and folk dances by the Erebouni Youth Dance Group of the Boston Hamazkayin, which features more than 35 boys and girls dressed in traditional costumes. They put on a great show and received numerous standing ovations.

The evening concluded with the Arev Armenian Folk Ensemble, which performed traditional Armenian music and songs and delighted the crowd with Heghopokhagan songs.

As Armenians worldwide prepare to honor the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, a bold statement was made at this gathering: The ARF in Providence remains steadfast to its goals. With a membership of mostly young professional adults, the future of the organization looks bright.

A portion of the proceeds raised from the event will be sent to the Syrian-Armenian community.

WOODSIDE, N.Y.—On Sat., Nov. 2, the New York community gathered to celebrate the 123rd anniversary of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) at an event hosted by the New York “Armen Garo” Gomideh.

The program featured a video presentation honoring Armenian heroes of the past and commemorating the ARF’s triumphs and successes over its 123 years of existence.

Mary Yaralian addressed the capacity-filled hall and noted that the ARF’s main purpose continues to be the preservation of the interests of the Armenian nation worldwide.

Rev. Fr. Mesrob Lakissian spoke about the important role the ARF has performed in organizing and protecting the Armenian people in tumultuous times. The ARF was there during the Lebanese Civil War and the Artsakh War, he said, and today the ARF has taken on an active role in providing relief for Syrian Armenians caught in the ongoing conflict in Syria.

Canadian-Armenian singer Elie Berberian was then called to the stage and entertained the crowd with national and revolutionary songs.

Supporters raised $25,000 at the event, which was immediately donated to Syrian-Armenian relief efforts. Donations to the Fund for Syrian Armenian Relief can be sent to the Armenian Prelacy, 138 East 39th Street, New York, NY 10016. Contributions are tax-deductible.

LOWELL, Mass.—Throughout their distinguished ARF careers, Joseph Dagdigian and Stephan Dulgarian symbolized the very best as 50-year members of the Lowell Gomideh.

Members of the growing Lowell ARF 50-Year Club are, from left, Aram Jeknavorian, Joseph Dagdigian and Stephan Dulgarian.

The two were honored on their golden anniversaries during a gala celebration Dec. 6 at St. Gregory Church in North Andover, attended by a large and spirited audience.

They join Aram Jeknavorian, who was honored a year ago, giving the Lowell Gomideh three members who have reached this celebrated plateau, with others in close proximity.

The Lowell ARF represents the first organized Gomideh in the United States, followed by Lawrence and Haverhill, giving the Merrimack Valley a dash of historic prestige.

“They are the role models to which we truly aspire and the Armenian patriots who never let down their guard,” praised Gomideh Chairman Tom Vartabedian. “Our community would not be as vibrant were it not for these two individuals. As patriots, they have often gone above the call to help their fellow Armenians, whether physically, morally or fraternally.”

During his half-century with the Gomideh, Dagdigian has made annual trips to Armenia, documenting and photographing the country-at-large. What he brings back home, he shares with others during lectures and presentations.

A course he offered at NAASR titled “A Visual Journey Through Armenian History” covered 3,000 years of Armenian history and culture. A portion of those proceeds were donated to the Shengavit Historical and Archeological Cultural Preserve in Armenia.

He has been heavily involved with ANCA work throughout Merrimack Valley and is a member of  the Knights of Vartan. Through his efforts, the Cosmic Ray Division in Armenia—a scientific research station on Mount Aragats—has realized thousands of dollars raised for its cause.

Presenting him with his award was his brother John, who is close to 50 years himself.

For more than 20 years, Dulgarian served as an advisor to the Armenian Youth Federation, taking members under his wing and guiding them through a more productive Armenian lifestyle.

A son of genocide survivors, he is currently serving on a committee to erect an imposing genocide memorial by Lowell City Hall.

His personal letter-writing campaigns to government officials have gone a long way to create awareness and understanding, not to mention his association as caretaker of the 50-year-old Lowell ARS Community Center.

Dulgarian was presented the Vahan Cardashian Award in 2011 given by the Armenian National Committee of America for dedicated community service.

Speaking on his behalf were two of his four children, Stepan and Sona (Gevorkian), who outlined the influence their dad had upon their active AYF careers.

The main speaker was Dr. Dikran Kaligian, who updated the audience on significant events taking place in Armenia.

A musical interlude was provided by soloist Nina Hovsepian, accompanied by pianist Mary Barooshian.

A reflection on the 25th anniversary of the earthquake in Armenia was provided by Dr. Ara Jeknavorian with visuals and commentary. Jeknavorian also gave an update on the Lowell Memorial, which will be dedicated next April during a flag-raising ceremony at City Hall.

Prayers were offered by Rev. Stephan Baljian, pastor.

The cover of Armenia and Karabakh: The Stone Garden Travel Guide

Writer’s Digest Magazine recently recognized Armenia and Karabakh: The Stone Garden Travel Guide by Matthew Karanian as one of the Best Reference Guides published in 2013.

The competition, which was open to all independently published books with a 2013 copyright date, cited Armenia and Karabakh for its outstanding presentation of images and text. The book was awarded Honorable Mention.

“This is a slick and professional travel guide,” wrote a judge as part of the magazine’s critique of the book. “The technique and presentation of photography is extremely impressive, as is the reference section.”

The book’s coverage of the Armenian Genocide also figured into the evaluation. The judge’s commentary on the book states, “I was a bit concerned about how the author would handle the politically sensitive subject of the Armenian Genocide of the early 20^th century. I am impressed that he plunged into it without apology but didn’t let it dominate the guidebook.”

This is the 21^st annual competition sponsored by Writer’s Digest Magazine. Winners will be featured in the March 2014 edition of the magazine.

Armenia and Karabakh: The Stone Garden Guide is available for purchase from Barnes and Noble and independent booksellers, and can be previewed at www.ArmeniaTravelGuide.com.

On the evening of Dec. 7, 450 hamagirs and believers in the Armenian Cause led by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) filled the ballroom of Livonia’s Embassy Suite Hotel to celebrate the ARF’s 123^rd year in defense of the Armenian people.

A scene from the celebration

The Detroit ARF “Azadamard” Gomideh continues to maintain its stellar reputation as a hotbed of Tashnagtsagan leadership. This evening they actively included Armenian youth in training to rise to the occasion and fulfill their role as community activists.

The Homenetmen Scouts presented the American stars and stripes and the Armenian tricolor, Artsakh, and ARF flags.

The Armenian and American national anthems were beautifully sung by Araxie Tossounian, Tamar Changelian, and Nayiri Carman, bringing strong applause.

Young attorney Alidz Oshagan welcomed guests saying, “Each of us have come together as ungers. Proceeds from this evening will be donated to the Syrian-Armenian relief fund.”

Oshagan follows in the footsteps of her attorney mother Georgi-Ann and Ph.D. father Hayg in community leadership. She comes from illustrious Oshagan roots.

The ARF is a political party accountable to all Armenians. That ideology remains steadfast today.

Attending this momentous celebration were members of the ARF Central Committee, Eastern Region.

Months of intensive planning for the 123 years of success included an ad booklet with photos of ARF historical events on the cover.

Also attending were Hairenik editor Zaven Torigian, Armenian Weekly editor Khatchig Mouradian, and Hairenik Association manager Armen Khachatourian, and ARF Eastern Region Central Committee executive director Maral Choloian.

Clergy present at the event included Fr. Andon Atamian of the Armenian Catholic Church, Badveli Dr. Vahan and Mrs. Rosette Tootikian and Pastor Shant Barsamian of the Armenian Congregational Church, Rev. Hrant and Mrs. Tamar Kevorkian of St. Sarkis Armenian Apostolic Church, and Rev. Daron and Mrs. Sosy Stepanian representing St. Hagop Armenian Apostolic Church of Racine, Wisc.

ARS was represented by Sirvart Telbelian and her Husband, Hamazkayin was represented by chairwoman Hermine Manougian and her husband, Homenetmen was represented by Garineh Chopjian and Rozalin Basmajian, AYF was represented by Haygan Tcholakian.

“Azadamard” Gomideh chairman Raffi Ourlian thanked the audience and all those who served the party during its 123 years of existence. “The ARF is a political organization to bring the communities together. You all know the horrible events of 1915. All of us remain touched by that injustice. The guilty ones were brought down by members of the ARF’s Nemesis group in various European cities where they sought safety. Some of those heroes were Aram Yarganian, Misak Torlakian, Shahan Natalie, and of course Soghomon Tehlirian, who assassinated Talaat [Pasha] in the streets of Berlin, was tried, and exonerated.”

We fondly remember the now silent voices of Detroit’s own greats, Hagop Mooradian and Kopernik Tandourjian, Providence’s Arthur Giragosian, and Boston’s James Tashjian.

Guest speaker was Antranig Kasbarian, Ph.D, Vice-Chair of the ARF Central Committee-Eastern Region. Conversant in both English and Armenian, he has served the ARF in many capacities. He has worked for the Tufenkian Foundation for many years in resettlement efforts in Artsakh. Kasbarian noted the warm reception he had received from many in the crowd, likening the evening “to a family reunion.” He added that “the strength and vitality of this community is apparent in the wall to wall attendance of an overflow crowd of 450 people.”

Kasbarian’s message stressed that while the ARF has played many different roles in the life of our people, these roles have been generally reducible to three core pillars: 1) Sovereignty and social justice for Armenia and its people; 2) The quest for historical justice, i.e. the struggle for Hai Tahd, which includes Artsakh as well as Western Armenia which was lost in the 1915 Genocide; and 3) The struggle to maintain and develop Armenian language, culture and national identity, i.e. “hayabahbanoum.”

He continued, “The ARF was a leader of our first fledgling Republic and in 1990 actively returned to the Armenian homeland. While the ARF has made mistakes alongside its accomplishments, it has always done so from the standpoint of commitment and engagement. The Republic of Armenia today has goals to achieve. The malaise of people leaving the country must be stemmed. Jobs must be created for people to visualize the hope for economic prosperity to remain in Armenia.”

“We want Armenia to flourish. The ARF kept the dream alive of a sovereign Armenia. ‘They’ laughed at us, calling our dreams unrealistic, but freedom did come to Armenia. If the Soviet Union could fall, who is to say that Turkey is an unbreakable monolith? Our dream may not come today, but over generations the opportunities can arise, so we must remain prepared.” In his remarks, he also elaborated on the importance and contribution of the ARF’s partners and affiliates — the Armenian Relief Society, The Hamazkayin, Homenetmen, Armenian Youth Federation and the church.

Guests dined on a gourmet dinner. Buttery platters of baklava sated the sweet tooth. Johnny Walker flowed for some, but it was Harout Pamboukjian and his band from Los Angeles that excited the crowd, bringing them to their feet as he hit the stage like a rock star singing patriotic songs.

Harout Pamboukjian and his band was introduced by Toros Bardakjian, who first thanked the organizing committee and then the volunteers.

“Detroit, I’m glad you remembered me and invited me back,” the popular singer said. “As cold as it is outside, my heart has been warmed by your support. I remember my father said, “The walls have ears,” thinking of the bad times in Soviet Armenia before our family’s arrival in Lebanon. He would whisper to me about the ARF, the party seeking freedom and justice for the Armenian people. Thanks to the ARF, we have Armenian schools, churches, and community centers. Thanks to the ARF, I too am a believer.”

The artist performed until 2 a.m., bringing people to fill the dance floor with great energy.

The clergy led the guests in the “Hayr Mer” prayer. The ARF anthem “Mshag Panvor” was sung with pride and reverence.

Carly Simon’s composition “Nobody Does It Better” appropriately played softly in the background during the dinner hour; it is an all-telling indication of the ARF’s direction for the future. These 123 years of dedication to the wellbeing of the Armenian people with God’s guidance will grow stronger. The 450 hamagirs cannot be mistaken.

The ARF “Azadamard” Gomidehoutiun and the Greater Detroit community deeply appreciate the performance of Harout Pamboukjian under very difficult circumstances and, collectively, wish for the full recovery and good health of his beloved wife, Rosa.

YEREVAN (A.W.)—On Dec. 12, Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu visited Yerevan to attend the 29th meeting of the Foreign Ministers’ Council of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) organization. Davutoglu also met with his Armenian counterpart Edward Nalbandian.

A scene from the Davutoglu-Nalbandian meeting

According to a statement released by the Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the two discussed the future activities of the BSEC. Nalbandian also “reaffirmed Armenia’s principled position of Armenia on the normalization of Armenian-Turkish relations without any preconditions”—a statement Nalbandian repeated later to journalists, adding, “Turkey linking normalization with other issues makes no sense and won’t yield any results.”

The meeting between Nalbandian and Davutoglu reportedly lasted well over an hour.

Attendees to the BSEC meeting discussed cooperation in various areas, including transportation, trade, energy, education, and communication.

Following the meeting, Davutoglu gave a press conference to only Turkish media representatives, who quoted him as saying that it had been “quite a warm and open atmosphere.” Despite some disagreements, he added, it was important for them to meet more frequently.

Davutoglu in Yerevan

“Turkey and Armenia are neighbors, so we would like the relations to be on a high level to enable the sides to establish friendly relations,” Davutoglu was quoted as saying.

Prior to his departure to Yerevan, Davutoglu Tweeted about his visit. “I hope that my visit to Yerevan will contribute to comprehensive peace and stability efforts in the BSEC region and the Caucuses,” he wrote. “As Turkey, we will continue to make efforts to solve conflicts in the periphery.”

Protest against Davutoglu

Protesters gathered in front of the Marriott Hotel in Republic Square, where the meetings took place, forcing Davutoglu to enter through a back door. They held signs that read, “Stop occupation of Armenian lands,” “Stop denial of Turkish history,” “Recognition,” and “Reparation.”

A scene from the protest

The protest, organized by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation Nigol Aghbalian Student Organization, attracted a diverse group of Yerevan residents. The protesters sang patriotic songs and shouted slogans urging Turkey to recognize the Armenian Genocide and to make reparations for the crime.

Artur Ghazarian, a member of the ARF’s Yerevan office said Davutoglu’s visit to Armenia was an opportunity to remind Turkey “of our claims—recognition, condemnation and reparations.”

“Turkey proved yet again that it is scared to face its own history; it’s afraid to look into the eyes of the heirs of Armenian Genocide survivors,” said Gerasim Vardanyan, chairman of the ARF Nigol Aghbalian Student Organization.

“By this action the [youth and student] organizations express their protest saying STOP genocide, STOP denialism, STOP falsification of history, and STOP injustice,” said an action-alert by the ARF Student Organization.

WATERTOWN, Mass.—For the second consecutive year, the Armenian Students’ Association of America, Inc. (ASA) sponsored a Journalism Internship Program at the Armenian Weekly offices in Watertown.

For a six-week period, Varak Ketsemanian, the second intern accepted into the program, interned at the Weekly, writing articles, conducting interviews, and assisting the editors in their tasks. (View his articles here.)

Ketsemanian received his Bachelor of Arts in Philosophy (with a minor in history) from the American University of Beirut (AUB). His articles have appeared in the Lebanese Armenian Aztag Daily and AUB’s Outlook. Currently based in LA, he continues to regularly write articles for the Weekly.

ASA Chairman Brian Assadourian, following the Board of Trustees’ approval for the program for 2013-14, said the Association is proud to provide opportunities for qualified Armenian college and university students to gain valuable experience in the field of journalism. He went on to say that since 1910, the Association has been a leader in providing financial assistance through its scholarship grant program as well as underwriting special projects, such as the annual Poetry Contest, the Journalism Internship Program, lectures, and conferences.

Dr. Michael G. Mensoian, Trustee liaison for the internship, noted the valuable hands-on experience gained by the interns who are able to work directly with Khatchig Mouradian, editor of the Armenian Weekly, and Nanore Barsoumian, assistant editor. “Seeing the caliber of the interns that have received the ASA, Inc. Journalism Internship grants during the first two years of its existence has been very gratifying,” Mensoian said.

Last year, Lilly Torosyan became the first ASA journalism intern at the Armenian Weekly. She has continued writing for the paper (View her articles here.)

“The Armenian Weekly is grateful to the ASA for sponsoring this internship,” said Mouradian. “Thanks to this program, we have now had two bright and hard-working interns who have moved on to become regular contributors to the paper after their internship concluded. We look forward to continuing our partnership with the ASA in the coming years.”

The Armenian Students’ Association, Inc. has provided financial assistance for Armenian-American college students in the form of scholarships and internships for the past 100 years. The journalism internship will continue next summer.

To learn more about the ASA or participate in one of their educational opportunities, visit www.asainc.org.

PARIS, France (A.W.)—The Armenian National Committee office in France and the European Armenian Federation for Justice and Democracy (EAFJD) issued a joint statement today strongly condemning the Dec. 17 ruling of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) that the denial of the Armenian genocide is not a criminal offense. According to the Court, the 2007 decision of the Lausanne Police Court against the head of Turkish Workers’ Party Dogu Perincek is a violation of the right to freedom of expression. (Read the Court’s press release here.)

The statement considered the ruling to be direct assistance to the wave of denial orchestrated by official Ankara and Baku throughout Europe. “Once again hiding behind the right to free speech, and following the example of the French Constitutional Council, the European Court undermines with this infamous decision the right to dignity of the victims and descendants of the Armenian genocide,” read the statement.

The statement further noted that the decision will “undoubtedly strengthen extremist movements” and undermine the voices calling for justice from within Turkey.

“Moreover, by declaring that ‘it would be very difficult to identify a general consensus’ on the Armenian genocide, the Court aligns itself with Perincek’s statement that the Armenian genocide is an ‘international lie.’ The Court’s approach that ‘clearly distinguished the present case from those concerning the negation of the crimes of the Holocaust’ is also deplorable. How can such a distinction be made by the highest human rights court in Europe?”

In conclusion, the statement noted that the ANC of France, in coordination with the EAFJD Brussels office, will fight against this unacceptable decision. “Switzerland has three months to appeal this verdict. We have requested a meeting with the Swiss Ambassador in Paris, to present our expectations from the Swiss authorities. Coordinated efforts will be made in other countries as well, through local ANCs and regional offices, as well as through official Yerevan, as we form a united front against this decision,” concluded the statement.

Welcoming a new year is a joyous occasion. It offers the opportunity for a fresh start. Unfortunately, there are times when the “baggage” of the old year has to be dragged along, condemning us to the same old, same old for another year.

Christmas tree on Renaissance Square in Stepanakert (Photo by Arevik Danielian, The Armenian Weekly)

The unilateral decision by President Sarkisian to have Armenia forsake the West and align its- self with Russia is unwanted baggage to carry into the new year. No doubt intense pressure was put on Yerevan to weigh the consequences if it spurned this Russian overture. Although Armenia is not as favorably situated geographically as Ukraine, dependence on Moscow should not encourage subservience by our leaders.

It was important that our people demonstrated against this abdication to Russian interests when President Vladimir Putin visited Armenia recently. However, it paled in comparison to the anti-government demonstrations in Ukraine concerning a similar shift away from the European Union toward Russia by President Viktor Yanukovych, and in Turkey in the June Gezi Park confrontation over Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s grandiose redevelopment plans to sacrifice a small remaining bit of nature to more concrete, brick, and steel.

What effect the ongoing demonstrations in Ukraine will have is too early to say. When opposition views are stifled or ignored, it is important for citizens to express their dissatisfaction. In Turkey, Gezi Park served as a catalyst for a more general concern with the administration’s policies. President Sarkisian’s decision to tie Armenia’s future to Russian interests lessens the influence, opportunities, and investments from the European Union that would have been important to Armenia’s development. Now we are aligned with a government in Moscow that is the antithesis of a democracy.

There are some benefits. As one would expect, Russia is the single largest source of investment funds for Armenia and the destination of most Armenians in search of work. It is estimated that some 2.5 million Armenians live in Russia and some $1.5 billion is remitted annually. However, it is the long-term effect of being dominated by Russia that will limit Armenia’s ability to chart its own course into the future. Some may view this as an acceptable trade-off considering we are located in a region with some difficult neighbors. Having spurned a national dialogue, Sarkisian decided that a reduction in the price of imported gas and the ability to buy armaments on the cheap was worth the cost of embracing Russia.

No one can question our need for Russian military support. However, Putin knows that Russia needs Armenia as well. It is a symbiotic relationship. Armenia is the only dependable anchor that Russia has in the south Caucasus. The Bolsheviks made the mistake nearly a century earlier when they believed they could buy Ataturk with territorial concessions to sign on to their new order. Even Ataturk at that early stage preferred looking toward the West. Today Moscow faces a stronger competitor in Ankara with its little cousin from Baku in tow. Turkey has no intention of allowing Russian hegemony in the south Caucasus or Central Asia. Without Armenia and Artsakh, how does Russia plan to project its presence in the south Caucasus?

Putin has adopted the same divide and rule strategy of the old Bolsheviks by maintaining a military base in Armenia to protect the country while it keeps the “conflict” alive by sweet-talking Aliyev and supplying military equipment to both sides. Russia profits from its sales to Baku, and Armenia becomes further beholden to Russia as it seeks to maintain parity with Azerbaijan.

The new year does not lessen concerns about Artsakh’s future. Shudders abound whenever news of a Sarkisian-Aliyev meeting will take place. The principles proposed by the Minsk Group that sets the agenda for negotiations continually stress territorial integrity and the right of self-determination. The only way these two opposing principles can be accommodated at the same time is by granting local autonomy to Artsakh, not independence, and placing the region under the jurisdiction of Azerbaijan. Isn’t this why it all began?

The principles suggested by the Minsk Group are so biased against the Artsakh Armenians that a favorable resolution is impossible. It is time for Moscow to provide meaningful support for Artsakh’s independence. That may be expecting too much considering that the Olympics scheduled for Sochi in February 2014 are close to Chechnya and Dagestan, where secessionist sentiment runs high with Doku Umarov lurking in the shadows threatening to disrupt the games.

Although Washington continually expresses friendship with the Armenian people, its pro-Turkish/anti-Russian agenda is to have Artsakh returned to Azerbaijan and see the signing of the protocols without preconditions. Should this happen, it would mean goodbye to our Artsakh, where 7,000 azatamartiks sacrificed their lives. Goodbye to any meaningful recognition of the genocide by Turkey. And goodbye to Hai Tahd. In return for Yerevan’s total capitulation, Washington will gladly offer a few hundred million dollars in aid, maybe a billion dollars, but much of which will line the pockets of those who continue to bleed our country dry. This is a small price to pay considering the untold billions of dollars that have been lavished on Ankara by Washington for its “cooperation.”

Will 2014 see the beginnings of a well thought-out plan not only to challenge the administration’s policy, but to prepare for the important parliamentary and presidential elections? The change required is not structural, but in the mind-set, the philosophy if you will, of those who hold the reins of power. Those who govern have the responsibility to provide an environment in which order, equality, opportunity, and justice prevail for all citizens, not a favored or well-connected few.

For a time, it seemed that change might be had when Raffi Hovannisian, leader of the Heritage Party, appeared on the scene. Unfortunately, it was short lived. Raffi reappeared a few months later in August 2013, but disappeared again. It raises a serious question: Has the primary burden been left to Raffi Hovannisian and his Heritage Party, by gun-shy opposition leaders, to challenge the policies and confront the corruption and favoritism that have permeated the economic, political, and judicial systems of our country?

After welcoming in the new year, voters and opposition political leaders should take time to consider where Armenia may be at the end of Sarkisian’s term in 2018 if his present course is maintained (and there is no reason to believe that it will change). Given that certainty, does anyone really believe that the 2017 parliamentary elections will reduce the Republican Party’s majority? And does anyone really believe that the handpicked successor to President Sarkisian in the 2018 presidential election will lose? Given the likelihood of this scenario, can Armenia afford to continue on the same path for another five years?

Opposition leaders cannot allow voter fraud and voter intimidation or the existence of system-wide corruption and favoritism to circumscribe their efforts to vigorously challenge the existing power structure. Their unforgivable failure to act is a disservice to those who are unemployed; to the elderly pensioners or those living in poverty; to the young, energetic men and women who lack opportunity; to the would-be entrepreneurs who are prevented from entering the marketplace; and to those who are forced to leave the homeland to earn a living.

If there is cause for change (how could that be denied?), those affected must be galvanized into action by believing that change is possible. If they believe that change cannot be had, mobilizing support will be impossible and mediocrity will become the acceptable standard. It is sad to say, but people can become accustomed to hardship. This cannot be where our people are at. For any movement to succeed, a genuine effort must be made by the leadership to interface with representative sectors of the electorate, however they may be defined strategically. Any serious movement for change is a full-time day-in, day-out effort. Relying primarily on an election platform containing a laundry list of objectives to garner voter support completely misses the mark. Most voters will view this effort with skepticism, if not cynicism. The voter must accept the party (or a coalition) and its candidate as committed to their concerns by what has been and is being done to support their concerns. The electorate must have faith in their candidate and his ability to bring about change that will improve their quality of life.

Armenia cannot afford to continue along its present path. The achievements that may be attributed to the administration cannot compensate for the debilitating conditions that the present unholy alliance of politicians and oligarchs has created. The existence of high rates of unemployment and poverty; of young people frustrated by a lack of opportunity; individuals and families leaving either permanently or temporarily to achieve a better life; and the inability of an energetic and creative entrepreneurial class to develop are sufficient to indict those holding the reins of power.

Change in Armenia will not come overnight. Neither will it come by way of any “Armenian Spring.” Violent upheavals are counterproductive and invariably result in system-wide instability and a fractured society that is neither easily nor quickly, if ever, healed. The euphemistic term “Arab Spring” is anything but that. It is a textbook example of how change should not be pursued. It is time for the opposition parties to put aside their philosophical differences, petty interests, and concerns as to who gets the glory and come to the aid of Armenia and its citizens. Ignoring the hardships faced by our people can never be an acceptable response. Let’s not abandon the majority of our people by accepting the same old, same old for 2014.

WATERTOWN, Mass.—On Sat., Dec. 14 and Sun., Dec. 15, the newly elected Regional Executive of the Homenetmen Eastern USA held its first in-person meeting at the Homenetmen office in Watertown. Members discussed the organization’s plans for the next two years, including the 24th Navasartian Games in New York on July 4 weekend and the Hama Homenetmagan Panagoum in Armenia in 2014.

On Sat., Dec. 14 and Sun., Dec. 15, the newly elected Regional Executive of the Homenetmen Eastern USA held its first in-person meeting at the Homenetmen office in Watertown.

The newly elected members of the Regional Executive are Y. Vahe Tanashian, chairman (Washington, D.C.), Y. Sarkis Tarpinian, vice-chairman (Providence), Y. Ara Ishkhanian, secretary (Philadelphia); Y. Berg Papazian, treasurer (Chicago); Y. Mark Torossian, accountant (New Jersey); Y. Razmig Banosian, athletic director (Boston); and Y. Aram Kayserian, Scouts director (Boston). The Regional Executive was joined by Homenetmen Central Executive member Y. Hratch Mesrobian.

Their term will focus on the youth and on the future leaders of Homenetmen. A forum gathering these future leaders will take place in 2014.

NEW YORK—On Dec. 1, for the fifth consecutive year, “Armenian Youth Talent” finalists were featured at New York’s prestigious Weill Recital Hall at Carnegie Hall. Dedicated to the 110^th anniversary of the legendary composer, pianist, and conductor Aram Khachaturian, and the 5^th anniversary of “Armenian Youth Talent,” the concert was organized by Direct Help for Armenian People (DHAP), under the dedicated leadership of Dr. Svetlana Amirkhanian, the president and founder of DHAP.

Eugenia Sarian and Dr. Svetlana Amirkhanian (with flowers)

Concert hosts Harut Minasian and Eugenia Sarian welcomed the sold-out audience, and noted the event was “to encourage young Armenian talent in the performing arts.”

“It is a great expression of Armenian ability, musicianship, and spirit that our heritage demonstrates and is proud of,” the said.

The unique event featured 32 young musicians ages 6-15, many of whom had chosen compositions by Khachaturian, in honor of the anniversary of his birth. All of the performers were granted honorary certificates and monetary awards following their performances.

The Arminstring group

Singers, which included Zovinar Aghavian, Julia Cumming, Christina Kerestedjian, Lucine Musaelian, Julia Naldjian and Amalia Shahinyan, displayed their bell-like angelic voices and lovely expression.

Vahn Mouradian showcased his cello talents with an accapella Bach Prelude, while Laura Navasardian displayed her formidable technique on the cello, which was larger and taller than her. Haig Hovsepian’s musicianship was amply shown on the violin.

The largest group of young musicians tinkled the piano ivories. They included Michael Khoury, David Hovanisyan, Harutiun Kljyan, Sophia Hovakimian, Nico Carere, Ansel Chang, Zoe Pian-Chowdhury, Gregory Sarafian, Irene Vilgorin, and Ani Mouradian, all displaying impressive technique and expression.

David Antabian, 15, showed his special versatility and self-confidence in Khachaturian’s difficult “Sonata,” while duo pianists Alin and Nicole Khrimian, and Marina and Eve Kazarian, showcased their impressive synchronization.

A highlight of the event was the Arminstring violin group featuring Griffyn Kang, Aren Arakelian, Nicholas Degoian, Anthony Degoian, Lily Kliyan, Nicole Mark, and Zovinar Aghavian. They delighted the audience with a jazzy “Cancan” by Offenbach and heartfelt “Memories” by Babajanyan.

The conclusion of the concert brought on a spontaneous standing ovation. Amirkhanian expressed her gratitude to the parents, relatives, teachers, and sponsors, which included the Gullabi Gulbenkian Foundation, Edward and Carmen Gulbenkian, the Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU), and Saro and Hilda Hartounian, among many others.

She pointed out that in the past five years of the “Armenian Youth Talent” concerts, more than 300 young musicians have performed on the Carnegie Hall stage. “The level is getting higher and higher, with now even non-Armenian performers singing and playing Armenian compositions with great Armenian feeling,” she said.

Amirkhanian also praised executive member Marina Bagdasarova for her tireless work, as well this year’s distinguished judges, which included St. Vartan Cathedral Choir director Khoren Mekanejian, singer Vagharshak Ohanyan, pianists Lusine Badalyan, Karen Hakobyan, and Karine Poghosyan, and violinist Diana Vasilyan.

Among the special guests attending were Armenia’s ambassador to the United Nations, Garen Nazarian, St. Illuminators Armenian Cathedral pastor Rev. Fr. Mesrob Lakissian, Lucine Der Harootian, wife of the renowned sculptor Khoren Der Harootian, and the AGBU’s director of Performing Arts, Haig Arsenyan, who emphasized that “promoting Armenian culture and supporting our next generation is necessary and crucial.”

Congratulatory letters sent by Archbishop Khajag Barsamian, Primate of the Eastern Diocese, Archbishop Oshagan Choloyan, Prelate of the Eastern Prelacy, Ambassador Nazarian, the AGBU, the Tekeyan Cultural Association, the Hamazkayin Armenian Educational and Cultural Society of New Jersey, Metropolitan Opera diva Lucine Amara, and renowned pianist and composer Sahan Arzruni were printed in the program booklet and given to all concert attendees.

Applications for the 2014 “Armenian Youth Talent” competition are due on Feb. 16, 2014, and will be available on the website http://dhap-ayt.orgstarting on Jan. 7, 2014.

PEABODY, Mass.—Activists of the ANC-Merrimack Valley of Massachusetts had a successful meeting with Congressman John Tierney of the sixth district of the commonwealth on Monday, Dec. 16 in his district office in Peabody.

Congressman John Tierney (D-MA-6) with ANC of Merrimack Valley activists Anahid Mardiros, Tom Vartabedian, Joe Dagdigian, Saro Khachikian, Ani Babaian, and Dr. Ara Jeknavorian.

Activists Tom Vartabedian and Joe Dagdigian, as well as constituents Saro Khachikian, Ani Babaian, and Anahid Mardiros, brought forth a number of local and national issues concerning Armenian-Americans, which included the Armenian Genocide resolution, U.S. aid to Armenia, and the dire situation in Syria.

“I was pleased to meet with members of the Armenian National Committee this week to discuss the ongoing challenges that the Armenian community is experiencing. As a member of both the Congressional Armenian Caucus and the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, I remain committed to urging U.S. support for Armenia and its people and appreciate the ANC’s commitment to the same,” said Congressman John Tierney.

“Congressman Tierney has been a longtime supporter of our cause and our meeting confirmed his continued dedication and work for the betterment of Armenia and its people,” noted Ara Jeknavorian, ANC of Merrimack Valley co-chairman. “We appreciate his work as a member of the Congressional Armenian Caucus and we look forward to working with him in the near future on a number of issues.”

In addition to thanking Rep. Tierney for co-sponsoring House Resolution 227, the Armenian Genocide Truth and Justice Resolution, the group discussed the current status of Nagorno-Karabakh. “We alerted the Congressman about the continued Azerbaijani military buildup and threats to use force to resolve the status of Nargorno-Karabagh,” said Jeknavorian. “Rep. Tierney has visited the region in the past, so it was important for us that he is aware of the ongoing struggles that our brothers and sisters continue to face.”

The group also spoke about the upcoming initiatives and activities in the district including the implementation of genocide education classes at Peabody High School. “It is critical that we make every effort to teach our future generations about human rights issues and crimes against humanity, especially the history of our people,” said long-time activist Tom Vartabedian. “We are approaching the eve of the 100th anniversary of our genocide, and as part of our awareness activities, genocide education should be at the forefront.”

In preparation of the 100th anniversary of the genocide, the ANC of Merrimack Valley is working to display an exhibit commemorating the genocide at a world-renown museum or local university. “Congressman Tierney has indicated his strong support for the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the genocide, both in Washington and locally, as well as his active participation with the Armenian caucus,” explained Jeknavorian. “We look forward to working closely with Rep. Tierney as well as Rep. Nikki Tsongas of the third district on these projects.”

Rep. Tierney has been serving the northern shores of Massachusetts, home to a large Armenian population, since 1997. Growing up in Salem, Mass., he created strong ties with the Armenian people at a young age and continued to educate himself about Armenian history from Armenian friends. Congressman Tierney continues to lend his support and attendance to the annual Armenian Genocide commemoration ceremony in Peabody, which was established by former mayor Peter Torigian.

In one of my recent articles for the Weekly, titled “Internalizing Western Armenia,” I attempted to elucidate the sense in which, the diaspora, throughout its years of separation and estrangement, created an entity called “Western Armenia,” which acquired a separate ontological existence in the perception and conception of modern-day Diasporan Armenians. I designated this phenomenon of perceptual separation between us and this entity as alienation towards our motherland, which supposedly constitutes the axis of our struggle.

Not surprisingly, but unfortunately, a few days after its publication in September, the Armenian media was full of articles, news coverage, and opinion pieces praising and admiring, on the one hand, the construction of a huge Armenian Church in Moscow that cost a fortune, and on the other, the exhibition of jewelry following its grand opening. Public speakers and commentators began writing about their experience in Moscow, and how the occasion was marked by the presence of various Armenian political figures from Armenia and around the world, including our own All Armenian Catholicos His Holiness Karekin II and President Serge Sarkisian.

Although the concept of “alienation” may have seemed ambiguous or incomprehensible to some in the beginning, I believe what we witnessed in the last weeks of September corroborated my point. Alienation is not only our ignorance towards our motherland (the causes for which I amply explained in my article), but also the way in which our actions, resources, and endeavors as a diaspora or a republican state are disorientated, diverted, and unutilized to their full potential.

In the first case, it is the lack of empirical knowledge, whereas in the second, it is the erroneous and flawed usage of our human capital and financial resources that deviate us further from marking “Western Armenia” a priority on our political agenda.

The existence of one aspect of alienation brings about the second feature. The bulk of this article will tackle the second aspect of alienation, namely, the way in which our efforts as a state and diaspora have failed to address the “right” issue, leading us further away from the focal point—our forsaken motherland. Setting recent examples from our community life in the republic and diaspora against episodes from our history, I will attempt to tackle the second aspect of this issue of alienation to show that our eagerness for glory, fame, and pride is jeopardizing the entire raison d’etre of our struggle.

The construction of churches is not a bad initiative per se; as we know, the establishment of prayer houses and churches is one of the oldest traditions or cultural traits our people has preserved over the centuries. No wonder Ani was called the home of “a thousand and one churches.” Their construction was not to disseminate religiosity, but rather to serve as an initiative for education and cultural diffusion.

However, as the tide of globalization engulfed us, we started to become more and more consuming, greedy, and glory seeking, and perverted even our most sacred traditions such as church building. No instance can serve as a better example than the latest construction of the huge Armenian church in Moscow. When most of the monasteries and churches are perishing in Armenia and the demolition of churches in Western Armenia continues unabated, we continue to please ourselves with the building of new ones. On my last trip to Van, I was informed that a Muslim mullah (sheikh) had been commissioned to preserve the last remnants of the Varaka Monastery. Is this what the legacy of Khrimian Hayrig, who served years in that sacred house, has taught us? This example is simply one of hundreds. Although the magnanimity of the Russian-Armenian community should be admired, it does not conceal the fact that we have failed to concentrate our efforts on more crucial projects. Do we simply become more religious and Christian by constructing monuments?

As for the latest bishop Synod, how can we speak of and urge ecclesiastical reforms when we can’t preserve what is ours? Unfortunately, we have become the people of fait accompli; we wait for others to act on our behalf, and we end up applauding them in the end, only pleasing ourselves, claiming, “This is good for us.”

The renovation of the Sourp Giragos Church in Diyarbakir, through the efforts and financial resources of the mayor of that city, attests to this reality. As others are “busy” cleaning the dust and ashes upon the buried notion of Western Armenia, we, as a state leadership and as diasporans have distracted ourselves with glory, fame, and splendor. Thus, the superficiality of our everyday acts, in a sense, disorients us from our true struggle, and further alienates the concept of a “Western Armenia.”

Instead of being concerned with the religious education of young Armenians, we look to those who have the greater ability to build the more splendid and marvelous. It is in this sense that the vice of glory-seeking has made us “foreigners” to humbleness and modesty. The more we confine ourselves to superficialities, the more the internalizing process becomes phony and difficult.

My constant use of the term “superficialities” may seem unclear to some; I use it with the intent to demonstrate the banality of our everyday actions, which we consider to be “serving the nation.” The emergence of this “Glory Culture” manifests itself in different forms. One such instance is the culture of medal giving and receiving. Although this has always been present in our modern history, it has gained momentum in the past few years. The crucial question is no longer, “How will this help our struggle?” but rather, “How will others view this act?” “Will this merit a medal?” Why do we not decorate the chests of those who put their lives at risk with their attempts to revitalize “Armenian”-ness in Western Armenia?

Rather than widening our horizon to bring “Western Armenia” into our daily concerns, we have adopted a static stance, waiting for “others” to take the initiative on our behalf. Incorporating this ontological existence of “Western Armenia” is the first step in removing the veil of ignorance and alienation.

As I read through the pages of our history, and of the virtuous norms that once prevailed in our society in the past, I am petrified that they are disappearing, that this “Glory Culture” is separating us from our past. In the case of Simon Zavarian, although he had the opportunity to become a well-known professor in any European university or college, his devotion to the national struggle of Western Armenia was noteworthy. During one of his travels, a few ungerner from the party were assigned to meet him at one of the train stops. Upon the train’s arrival, the members hurried to the first wagon, assuming that—as a member of the Bureau and one of the founders of the party—Zavarian would be there. When he did not come out, they went to the second (middle-class) wagon and waited for a couple of minutes. In the end, they noticed Zavarian coming out of the third (low-class) wagon. When asked, “Unger Zavarian, why did you board the third wagon?” he replied, “There wasn’t a fourth one.”

In a similar vein, Rosdom (Stepan Zorian) passed away in 1919 from typhus, which he contracted when he punctured his shoe after donating his jacket to a poor man on the street on a cold night. What these episodes display is the modesty and humility with which our revolutionary figures operated for their beloved “yergir.”

How does this relate to alienation? As long as we continue to distract or busy ourselves with the luxuries of the “Glory Culture,” we will not be able to employ our full potential. If we are truly the children of revolution, let us not forget that a revolution is not what we can display and be proud of; rather, it is the relentless effort to attain what is not at our disposal. It is about overcoming the current situation. Let us not fool ourselves anymore with smothering restrictions. The return to our roots, culture, and traditional norms is the fastest way we can truly incorporate Western Armenia into our daily lives. This does not mean that we should reject the technological progress of our era, but rather benefit from it to facilitate our return to our ancestral roots, spreading knowledge about our motherland, and then abiding by what really takes us one step closer to it.

Today, the situation in the region has placed us at a crossroads of decision-making, requiring us to outline a political direction, clearly define our demands, focus on our target, and move forward. Remember, we are accountable to our future generations. Aren’t there more worthy projects than parsing a jewelry exhibition or displaying our photos with congressmen on social networking sites? To quote Dr. Henry Astarjian’s moving words, “Our demands are ours as long as we make them ours.” And to use Aristotelian terms, unless we truly actualize our potential, Western Armenia will lament our everyday failure, increasing the need to apologize more and more for having moved away from our past and from our goals.

NEW YORK (A.W.)—What makes a film “socially relevant”? Actress and filmmaker Nora Armani has defined social relevance as a film’s ability to stimulate, uplift, and enlighten its audience, leaving it with something to ponder long after the theater lights have come back up. For Armani, Hollywood’s fixation on blockbuster violence and what she refers to as its “violent forms of filmmaking, communication, and marketing” signals the urgent need for a change in the way the film industry manages itself.

Nora Armani (Photo by Yannis Nivault)

Enter the “Rated SR—Socially Relevant Film Festival New York,” which was founded by Armani and is currently being organized by Armani as Founding Artistic Director and a team of New York city-based collaborators such as Laurence Hoffman as Director of Programming and Aude Lambert, Director of Partnerships and Marketing. The Rated SR team shares Armani’s vision of socially relevant films, explaining they should mark a return to human interest stories and thematic elements that are social in nature, and make people more aware and better informed about the world around them.

The festival will take place in New York City, at the Quad Cinema in Greenwich Village from March 14-20, 2014. The selection will comprise a 12-film competition for the Grand Prize, other spotlighted special film screenings with panels of invited guests, red carpet receptions, and Q&A sessions with invited filmmakers will round up the program.

Film submissions are being accepted in three categories: feature films, documentaries, and shorts and the final submissions deadline is Dec. 30.

The Grand Prize, a week-long release for the winning feature film at the Quad Cinema under the Quadflix Select program, will grant the filmmaker a run and 100% of the box office. Another documentary prize offered by Cinema Libre Studio of Los Angeles, is awarded to a winning documentary for a DVD – VOD release, while other prizes include awards for films dealing with particular issues. One award given by Armani herself is in commemoration of her cousin Vanya Exerjian’s memory as a victim of violence.

A special trophy designed and donated by Michael Aram will be given to a personality for socially relevant work in film.

The festival has already attracted multiple partners. Dailymotion, the 31^st most visited website in the word is an official media partner, where the festival’s dedicated page has to date 37 000  visits. Other partners are the School of Visual Arts Social Documentary Department, The French Embassy in New York Media division, UniFrance Films International, Cineuropa, The FIAF Alliance Française, New York Foundation for the Arts, and talks are underway with a number of other media and organizational partners, including the Paris Film Festival in France.

The Rated SR Film Festival’s organizers are working to secure grants and corporate and media partners who are being offered excellent exposure through the already secured Media partnerships. Sponsorships are still available: www.ratedsrfilms.org.

Born in Egypt to Armenian parents, Armani grew up speaking Armenian, Arabic, English, and French, to which she later added Italian and Russian. She studied sociology and English at the American University in Cairo before going on to obtain her master’s in sociology at the London School of Economics. Her career has included acting, film production, script writing, film festival organization, film series curating, and writing about film. All of this experience is now coming together as Armani unveils the festival, planned for March 2014.

Armani is quick to point out that her aim is not simply to criticize, but to offer an alternative, and she is not the only one voicing doubts about the film industry lately. Steven Spielberg garnered media attention when he was recently quoted in The Hollywood Reporter as having predicted that there will soon be “an implosion—or a big meltdown. There’s going to be an implosion where three or four or maybe even a half-dozen mega-budget movies are going to go crashing into the ground, and that’s going to change the paradigm.” The mega-budget movies Spielberg refers to often cost hundreds of millions of dollars to make, and rarely make those colossal costs back at the box office. Products of this model of filmmaking, aside from being economically unsustainable, tend not to appeal to society’s better nature.

Armani finds particular fault with the portrayal of violence in the movies. She argues that the prevalence of guns in movies, television, and the media are contributing to the worryingly high rate of gun violence in the U.S. in recent decades. She decries the “normalization and banalization” of violence, whereby violence ceases to shock us. Reaching the threshold of numbness that, many argue, American society has already crossed has dangerous implications. The most frequently cited example of this phenomenon is the 2012 mass shooting of young schoolchildren at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn. Even the massacre of scores of young children seemingly prompted no meaningful change in U.S. gun control laws—on the contrary, gun sales in Newtown have surged.

Armani argues that some of the blame for this incomprehensible indifference can be laid at Hollywood’s door. Society has been subjected to an “oversaturation” of sensationalized violence, wherein even the depiction of violence has become violent in its own way. “We can’t just tell people things anymore,” Armani says, pointing out that even traditional news sources sensationalize violence in a way that comes chillingly close to glorification. One need look no further than the Rolling Stone’s cover photo featuring a glamour shot of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, the surviving Boston bomber, for support of Armani’s position.

Violence and social relevance are not, of course, mutually exclusive. Armani cautions that violence, when it must be portrayed, should be handled responsibly and not be the theme of a work. Violence, if it is relevant to the work, should be depicted without sensationalism. Many vices, in addition to violence, are glamorized in films (“Pretty Woman” is a prime example). Armani worries that cavalier and dishonest portrayals of violence and crime have a negative influence on society and its appreciation of the gravity of these problems in reality. Examples Armani gives of successful socially relevant films include movies such as “Silver Linings Playbook”, “The Help,” “The Butler,” and “Dallas Buyers Club”, among many. Socially relevant films, Armani explains, should manage to be entertaining while also having excellent production values, such as a film’s sound, lighting, image, and acting quality.

Many prominent actors have recently spoken out against Hollywood violence. Jim Carrey criticized the amount of violence portrayed in the 2013 movie “Kick-Ass 2,” in which he played a lead role; in the wake of the Sandy Hook shooting, he refused to promote it. According to a January 2013 article in the Guardian, “Oscar-winning actor Dustin Hoffman has dismissed the depiction of gun violence in Hollywood as ‘fraudulent’ and claimed that studios actively discriminate against actors who refuse to carry firearms onscreen.”

Armani says that it is not only actors who find themselves uncomfortable with Hollywood’s ceaseless, pervasive violence. “Mothers don’t know what to show their kids anymore,” she explains. Beyond the violence parents may not want their children exposed to, there is the additional issue of name-calling and put-downs that have become a mainstay of movies marketed at children. “The entertainment industry needs to reduce its visual ‘carbon’ footprint and think of its legacy,” Armani says—and now more than ever. The 21^st century has so far distinguished itself as the age of screens, as people are constantly in what she calls “the visual world” and images are so much more readily accessible than they were in past decades.

Socially relevant films do appear to be catching on. One great example is the movie “The Butler” that when it opened it topped the charts with $25 million from 2,933 theaters in its first frame, “wipe[-ing] the floor with ‘Kick-Ass 2,’” as CNN put it.

This may indeed be the moment for the socially relevant film movement, as conscientious consumerism is on the rise in many other industries. People are now much more aware of the consequences of the ways in which they spend their money, and are paying more attention to the ways in which their food, clothing, and even diamonds are sourced. Even large corporations feel pressure to conduct their business in more socially responsible ways, as corporations who do not can quickly earn a bad name via the use of internet petitions or other advocacy tools.

In addition to the social forces working in favor of socially relevant films, there are clear economic incentives as well. “Human interest stories,” Armani says, do not require the staggering budgets of blockbuster films. The blockbuster film budget model is increasingly being seen as unsustainable, and this makes socially relevant films an attractive alternative.

For Armani, the issue of violence is a personal as well as an academic one. Ten years ago, her cousin Vanya Exerjian was stabbed to death, along with her uncle Jack Exerjian, in a religiously motivated hate crime in Egypt. Beyond the incomprehensible savagery of the crime, committed in front of numerous bystanders, the killing of her female cousin raised the broader issue of violence against women. Armani herself experienced a significant backlash when she spoke out against the problem of domestic violence in Armenia at an AIWA conference in London in the early1990’s. The violence, Armani argues, does not simply come out of thin air. It is fueled by the violent images that people are continually bombarded with, images that equate violence with power and glamor. Perhaps, as Armani argues, a return to human-interest stories will help people to recognize the humanity in one another.

More information about the festival, including how to submit, volunteer, donate, support, or otherwise be involved, can be found by visiting http://www.ratedsrfilms.org